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Updated 5929± 11 20 2025 [2009-02-16]
The Regnal Years and Dates of Roman Emperors
from Julius Caesar thru Domitian
and
more…
Abstract:
To
pursue a deeper
and better understanding of the fundamentals behind the within discoveries the
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Tour Guide for… “Tuning into the frequency of the Creator…”
Once
the year of the Passover of Crucifixion is established it becomes a relatively
easy matter to place many other events more or less firmly in time. Under the guidance of Yahweh and based upon
an 18 CE crucifixion,
and/or upon 18± celestial
events dated using astronomical tables, a number of New Testament events, various rulers over
Israel and Judae, the War
and the Destruction of Jerusalem, and also the Regnal Years and Dates of
all Roman Emperors from Julius Caesar through Caesar Domitian, have been
identified and dated.
Key
to my understanding of the time references used by Josephus is: 1. a visible
crescent of the moon defining each New Moon, 2. Josephus, not any particular
ruler, culture, or country, determines what calendar and what rules he is using
to designate time, 3. Josephus is using accession periods, e.g. accession year,
accession months, etc., i.e. the first year counted, in whichever direction, of
any time period, reign, etc., starts at the beginning of the next calendar
year, calendar month, etc., whether civil or sacred, 4. a difference in the
wording used, e.g. “in” or “after”, may define whether or not an inclusive
count is used, but these items may not always be reliably translated, and 5.
Josephus is always very precise in his time statements, and 6. Josephus is
recording Jewish history even while apparently recording Roman history, e.g.
when giving the history of Roman emperors who are in control of
The
complete details of my study re the Roman Emperors may be seen below this
initial brief outline:
I.
The
death of Alexander the Great
§
“Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad” (but
not before Tishri 22 [not before sunset October 5, 329 BCE] of that Olympiad
year [beginning July 1, 329 BCE.])
II.
The
death of Caesar Julius
- Ides of March (March
15), 49 BCE.
III.
Caesar
Augustus
§
Augustus was born September 23, 67 BCE [Note:
September 23, 67 BCE is a pre-Caesar Julius’ calendar revision date. The date would
otherwise come out to Elul 24 or 25, 67 BCE, but this date is therefore not
correct.]
§
Augustus’
(seasonally
corrected) date of delivery was June 28 [Sivan (or Tammuz) 26 (or 27), 67
BCE; Notice the number 26 as well as 3, i.e. the Third Moon, Sivan!] Augustus’
mother’s calculated LMP was September 21 (seasonally corrected) [Elul or Tishri
11, 68 BCE; Notice its relationship to the Day of At-One-Ment!] and Augustus
was most likely conceived October 4 (seasonally corrected) [Tishri 21, 68 BCE;
Notice its relationship to the Eighth Day and the beginning of
the Scriptural year!] [Quickening may be associated with Capricorn,
however, using an astrological chart based on the uncorrected pre-Julian
calendar reform finds Augustus being conceived in the sign of Capricorn.]
§
The
beginning of Augustus’ reign: Adar 27 or 28, 47 BCE [April 1 or
2, 47 BCE ± 1 lunar month (March 3 or May 1.)]
§
Augustus
died “on the fourteenth day before the Kalends of September at the ninth hour,
just thirty-five days before his seventy-sixth birthday,” i.e. Av 19 or 20, 10
CE [August 19, 10 CE.]
§
Tiberius
was born on November 16, 56 BCE (as dated per the then current Roman calendar)
and on August 22, 56 BCE per a seasonally adjusted calendar [Av (or Elul) 24
(or 25), 56 BCE.]
- Tiberius was appointed
the heir of Augustus on June 26, 1 BCE [Tammuz 4 or 5, 1 BCE].
- Tiberius died on 4
Adar I/Adar II, 23 CE [March 16, 23 CE.]
V.
Gaius
(Caligula) Caesar’s reign
§
Caius’
was born August 31, 4 BCE [Elul 8 (or 9,) 4 BCE.]
§
Caius’
accession period, per Josephus, began on the eve of the visible new moon
crescent at sunset February 10, 23 CE [Tevet/Shevat 1, 23 CE,]
§
Caius’
de facto reign began after Tiberius died after sunset on March 15, 23
CE.
§
Dio claims that Caius’ reign began March 26, possibly because
as Suetonius puts it: “It had been provided by decree of the
senate that the execution of the condemned should in all cases be put off for
ten days” and “since
[Tiberius’] cruelty endured even after his death.”
§
Caius
died in the afternoon on January 24, 27 CE
[Tevet (or Shevat) [10th (or 11th) Moon] 21, 27 CE.]
(Notice: This is subsequent to the expected solar
eclipse on Claudius’ birthday August 1, 26 CE!)
VI.
Claudius’
reign
§
Claudius was born August 1, 24 BCE [Tammuz or
Av 26, 24 BCE.]
§
Claudius’ de jure reign began in his 50th
year of life when Caius died: In
the afternoon on January
24, 27 CE [Tevet (or Shevat) [10th
(or 11th) Moon] 21, 27 CE.]
§
Claudius’
son Britannicus
was born, most likely, on January 20, 26
CE [Tevet or Shevat (10th or 11 Moon) 11 or 12, 26 CE,] (or less
likely in January or February, 27 CE) and he died before the end of extended
festivities attributed to the feast of Saturn in (December, 40 CE or) January
41 CE [Tevet or Shevat, (40/) 41 CE.]
§
Claudius’
daughter Octavia was born between mid May, 28 CE and mid June, 29 CE.
§
Claudius’
wife Messalina, the mother of Britannicus and Octavia, was killed in 32 CE
after she married another man behind Claudius’ back and conspired to have
Claudius killed. Narcissus took the initiative for this and was nominated as
emperor of
§
The marriage of Claudius and Agrippina, the
Agrippina’s killing of Octavia’s former fiancé Lucius Silanus, Octavia’s
espousal to Domitian (Nero,) and the adoption of Domitian as Claudius’ son all
took place in 33 CE – at a time when Domitian was 9 years old and Octavia was
only 3 or 4 years old.
§
Octavia
was married to Nero (between December 15 and 31, 39 CE) at an age of only 10 or
11, Nero being then 16 years old.
§
Josephus is making no statement as to the length of Claudius’
“reign” per se, but is making instead a statement re the length of time that
Claudius was “administering the government.” Considering the apparent fact that
Claudius was a consul, and thus a part of the government, prior to becoming
emperor of Rome, I find that Josephus’ statement “But Claudius himself, when he
had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days,
died” is referencing a time period beginning with Tishri 22, 26 CE, and ending,
when Claudius died, on either Zif 21 or Sivan 21, 40 CE [May 22 or else June 20
or 21, 40 CE.]
§
Claudius’ death was concealed for
almost 4 or 5
month until October 13, 40 CE when his death was finally made public.
VII.
Nero’s
reign
§
Nero was born December 15, 23 CE.
§
Nero
began his de facto reign after a
period of co-regency with Claudius, which co-regency, based upon Josephus’
reckoning of Nero’s years of reign, began between Aviv 1, 39 CE [March 14 or 15
or April 14, 39 CE] and Tishri 1,
39 CE [September 9 or October 8 or 9, 39 CE.]
§
Nero’s
1st civil year of de jure
reign began Tishri 1, 39 CE, [September 9, or October 8 (or 9,) 39 CE,] which
year is largely concurrent with his 16th civil year of life. He was
not yet 17 years old, by Roman reckoning when Claudius died.
§
Josephus
counts Nero’s 1st sacred year of reign from the beginning of Aviv 22, 40 CE [April 23 or May 22, 40 CE.] Josephus is
using sacred years of reign when referencing certain time periods within the
war of the Jews in his work The War of
the Jews.
§
Nero’s
reign, as recognized by
Josephus, ended on Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,] when he first “heard of the insurrection
in
§
Nero
died some time within a very few
days prior to the time when Galba, sometime between June 1 and June 6, 53 CE
[between Sivan 24 and 30, 53 CE,] received the “advice… from
§
Other events during Nero’s reign:
1. Nero’s poisoning of his
step-brother Britannicus ((14 or) 15 years old) before the end of extended
festivities attributed to the feast of Saturn in (December, 40 CE or) January,
41 CE [Tevet or Shevat, (40/) 41 CE.]
2. Paul, the apostle, arrives to Rome [Monday night July 19, or Tuesday July 20, 45 CE;]
3. Paul’s
release from bondage in
4. Nero’s first
Quinquennial games [October 3 or 5 through 12, 46 CE;]
5. Nero’s comet
[first seen in the lunar month between
December 17, 46 CE and January 15, 47 CE;]
6.
Nero’s
matricide [March 19, 47 CE;]
7.
The great
earthquake in
8. Nero “dearly
loved Poppaea, whom he married twelve days after his divorce from Octavia;”
9. Octavia was divorced and later, “in her
twentieth year,” killed, i.e. 19 years old [in the first half
of 48 CE;]
10. Nero’s daughter’s, Claudia Augusta, birth and death [March(?) and June(?), 48 CE;]
11.
Nero’s
burning of
12.
Seneca’s
first letter to Paul (Chapter XII)
re Nero’s fire of
13. The apostle Paul’s last
letter to Seneca [August 1, 50 CE;]
14. Nero’s second
Quinquennial games [October 3 or 5 through 12, 50 CE;]
15.
Seneca’s
death [October, 50 CE;] and
16. The death of Nero’s
wife Poppaea [October, 50 CE.]
17.
The beginning of the War of the Jews: Artemisius [Jyar,] 51 CE [between May 30 and June 28, 51 CE;]
VIII.
Galba’s reign:
§
Galba
began his reign as Caesar of Rome when, sometime between June 1 and June 6, 53
CE [between Sivan 24 and 30, 53 CE,] he received the “advice… from
§
Galba
died after sunset on January 15, 54 CE [Day 15 in the 11th Moon,
Shevat 15, 54 CE,] but Josephus counts Galba’s reign as ending on January 8, 54
CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE] when…
Piso:
§
Piso
was adopted as Galba’s son on January 8, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE.]
§
Piso
was killed before sunset January 15, 54 CE [Day 14 in the 11th Moon,
Shevat 14, 54 CE.]
IX.
Otho’s reign
§
“II. The emperor Otho was
born upon the fourth of the calends of May [“IIII. Kal. Mai;” 28th April], in the consulship of Camillus Aruntius and Domitius
Aenobarbus…”
§
Otho’s
de facto reign began when Galba died after sunset on January 15, 54 CE [Day 15
in the 11th Moon, Shevat 15, 54 CE.]
§
This
allows for Otho’s accession period to be reckoned, alternatively, all the way
from the beginning of the Civil War Aviv
9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE.]
§
Otho
died on Adar III 22, the 22nd Day of the Fourteenth Moon, 54 CE
[April 19, 54 CE.] Otho’s funeral was performed on April 19, 54 CE.
§
“The
emperor Aulus Vitellius, son of Lucius, was born on the eighth day before the
Kalends of October, or according to some, on the seventh day before the Ides of
September, in the consulship of Drusus Caesar and Norbanus Flaccus.” (Suetonius, The Lives of the Caesars, The
Life of Vitellius: 3, p. 255.)
§
Vitellius
reign is recognized by Josephus as having begun with the beginning of the Civil
War on Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE] on the anniversary of Nero’s matricide.
§
Vitellius
died on Kislev 6 [December (24 or) 25,] 54 CE.
§
Upon
Vitellius’ death Domitian, the son of Vespasian, was first [briefly] celebrated
as the new Emperor of Rome.
Astronomical correlations to Vitellius’ reign:
Dio is giving reference to a comet during the reign of
Vitellius as well as of a lunar eclipse in the middle of the summer. The following
event satisfies all criteria provided in
his record:
1.
The comet observation is confirmed by recordings of the
ancient Chinese astronomers who states: “This
comet had a tail measuring about 5 degrees and was seen between June 9 and July
9 of that year.” In 54
CE June 9 and July 9 are the days for the astronomical full moons, not
necessarily the duration of the observation of the comet.
2.
There was a total lunar
eclipse lasting 1 hour 46 minutes on Wednesday August 7, 54 CE at 04:36 UT, the
first visible part of the eclipse beginning at 02:38 UT (i.e. beginning at
04:59
3.
From the language of Dio’s record, which could represent an
indirect quote from a first hand observer, it appears as though the above
referenced comet may have been (?) eclipsed by the moon on the very same day as
the lunar eclipse, possibly (?) even concurrent with the lunar eclipse. –
However, I am not proposing that such a two-fold event can be proven from Dio’s
original Greek words alone!
§
Based
upon Suetonius’ records Vespasian was born November 17, 5 BCE [Heshvan (or Kislev) 16, 5 BCE:] “Vespasian was born in the Sabine
country, in a small village beyond Reate, called Falacrina,b on the
evening of the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December, in the consulate
of Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Gaius Poppaeus Sabinus, five years before
the death of Augustus…”
– The Latin words translated “death of Augustus”
may alternatively be translated “withdrawal…” or “retirement of Augustus…” As
best I can tell this event is in reference of Tiberius being appointed the heir
of Augustus on June 26, 1 BCE.
§
Vespasian’s reign began:
i.
As reckoned by Josephus, at
the beginning of the Civil War,
Aviv
9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,] when “at Naples
[Nero first] heard of the insurrection in Gaul, on the anniversary of the day
on which he killed his mother” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson):XL.)
As reckoned by others:
ii. Vespasian was first acclaimed Emperor by
Otho’s soldiers following
the death of Otho,
iii. then by
Tiberius
Alexander, governor of Egypt, on July 1, 54 CE,
iv. then by Vespasian’s own soldiers in
v. finally by the senate
and the populace in
§
Vespasian’s 2nd year of reign –Josephus used
sacred years in reference to the time period corresponding to the War of the Jews;
civil years for other time periods: Vespasian’s 2nd sacred year of
reign corresponds to Aviv 1, 55 CE thru Adar, 56 CE [March 19, 55 CE thru April
4 or 5, 56 CE;] his 2nd civil year of reign covers Tishri 54 CE thru
Elul 55 CE:
1. Sacred years (Aviv-Adar) – Used by Josephus when referencing an event during the War of the Jews
(Between Iyar 51 CE – Elul 55 CE)
2. Civil years (Tishri-Elul) - Used by Josephus when referencing an event outside of the time frame of
the War of the Jews (before Iyar 51 CE, or after Elul 55 CE:)
§
Vespasian died on June 24, 66 CE [Sivan or Tammuz
11 or 12, 66 CE.]
XII.
Titus’ reign
§
Titus was born December 30, 26 CE [The 10th (or 11th)
Moon 1 or 2, 26 CE] (prior to Caius’ death, or else December 30, 27 CE [Tebeth (the 10th Moon) 12 or 13, 27 CE.] )
§
Titus co-reigned from the beginning with his father Vespasian whom he
succeeded together with his brother Domitian on June 24, 66 CE [Sivan or Tammuz 11 or 12, 66 CE,] (or possibly 67 or
68) CE after his father Vespasian died.
§
Titus died on “the Ides of September,”
September 13, 68 CE
[Elul 26 or 27, 68 CE,] (or possibly 69 CE or 70 CE) “in the
forty-second year of his age” as reckoned by Suetonius, i.e. following either
his 42nd birthday anniversary (if born prior to Caius’ death, or
else, if born after Caius’ death, following his 41st birthday
anniversary.)
XIII.
Domitian’s
reign
§
“Domitian was born on the
ninth day before the Kalends of November…” [October 24, 32 CE [Tishri 30, 32
CE] (or 33 CE [Tishri or Heshvan 11, 33 CE.])]
§ Domitian’s reign began as a co-reign with his father Vespasian and his brother Titus and is reckoned from the thirtieth year of his age as referenced by Suetonius, very possibly beginning with his 30th birthday October 24, 62 CE [Heshvan 2, 62 CE] (or 63 CE [Tishri or Heshvan (12 or) 13, 63 CE.])
§ Domitian died on “the fifth hour…” [between 11 AM and 12 AM (considering Suetonius’ use of ordinals)] on “the fourteenth day before the Kalends of October…” September 18, 77 CE, [Elul or Tishri 11, 77 CE] “in the forty-fifth year of his age and the fifteenth of his reign.”
§
Domitian’s death is anchored upon a rare
astronomical constellation in conjunction with Jerome’s
statement re the time of death of the apostle John.
XIV.
Nerva’s reign
§
Nerva’s
brief reign lasted from September 18, 77 CE until January 27, 78 or 79 CE (Cf. Wikipedia)
XV.
Trajan’s reign
§
Trajan’s
reign began on January 27, 78 or 79 CE (Cf. Wikipedia)
§
XVI.
Hadrian’s reign
§
XVII.
…
“But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years,
eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom
he had adopted by his Wife
Agrippina's delusions, in
order to be his successor,
although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his
former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octa
The above is evidence of a co-regency between Claudius and Nero, and proof of the
same is found in this quote:
“…at the same time
began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of
Artemisins [Jyar.]” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4 (2.284.)
Quoting Ronald L.
Conte Jr.:
“Josephus gives the length
of Nero’s reign as 13 years and 8 days (perhaps an error for 8
months).991 “
991
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, 4.491.
“Suetonius
gives the length of Nero’s reign as “nearly fourteen years.”988
“
988
Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, Penguin Books, p. 237.
See also: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars,
Loeb Classical Library, 6.40.1.
Quoting Josephus:
“2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was
getting ready with all his army to march directly to
“…at the same time
began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth
of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisins [Jyar.]”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4
(2.284.)
“So the Jews went on
pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not
overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead
bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them,
and came back running and singing to their metropolis; while they had
themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three
hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on
the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.” Josephus, The Wars of the
Jews, II:19:9 (2.555.)
Obsolete
considerations – Disregard the considerations in this box!
-
- - - - - Begin computations based upon a co-regency
between Claudius and Nero - - - - -
Based upon Josephus statement that the 12th
year of Nero is the same as the 17th year of Agrippa, which is the
civil year beginning in 50 CE, I conclude that the 14th and last
civil year of Nero’s reign began with Tishri 1, 52 CE. Adding 8 days brings me
to the beginning of Tishri 9, 52 CE [September (21 or) 22,
52 CE (or, less likely, October 21 (or 22,) 52 CE.)]
Accordingly Nero
died on Tishri 9, 52 CE [September (21 or) 22, 52 CE (or, less likely,
October 21 (or 22,) 52 CE.)]
It follows that Nero’s 1st civil year of reign began Tishri 1, 39 CE [September 9,
or October 8 (or 9,) 39 CE.]
But what about “Suetonius
gives the length of Nero’s reign as “nearly fourteen years.”988
?“ When studying Suetonius’
way of counting the reign of Caesar Claudius, I found that Suetonius is
using Olympic years and is counting the
accession year inclusively. Is the same principle applied by Suetonius re Nero?
If so, when exactly did Nero’s accession year begin? All I have found from
Josephus is that Nero’s accession year began within the year ending at the
beginning of Tishri 1, 39 CE, i.e. Nero’s 1st civil year of reign.
Counting the Olympic years inclusively starting
.
.
.
Reviewing Josephus’ passages that led me to conclude that Josephus
is using a sacred year basis in The Wars of the Jews:
.
.
.
-
- - - - - End computations based upon a co-regency
between Claudius and Nero - - - - -
-
- - - - - Begin computations based upon the coincidence of Nero’s 12th
year of reign and the 17th year of Agrippa as above quoted - - - - -
I discovered elsewhere,
and as derived also from the above quotes of Josephus, that Josephus
counts Nero’s 1st sacred year of reign from the beginning of Aviv 1,
40 CE, i.e. from a point in time subsequent to the beginning of Nero’s
1st civil year. Accordingly, I conclude that Nero’s accession year, as
reckoned by Josephus, began some time between Aviv 1, 39 CE and Tishri 1,
39 CE, i.e. at some point prior to the death of Claudius.
Notice how perfectly the beginning of Nero’s reign,
i.e. from the summer 39 CE, ties in with the comet
observed between March 13 and April 30, 39 CE, and the
omens associated with the end of Claudius’ reign and his eventual death:
“A
comet sighting was recorded by the ancient Chinese astronomers in A.D. 39, from
March 13 to April 30. This comet had a conspicuous tail, with rays as long as
30 degrees. [Kronk, Cometography,
p. 27. ]” Conte Jr., Ronald L., Important Dates in
the Lives of Jesus and Mary.
“main omens
of Claudius’ death included the rise of a long-haired star, known as a
comet….” Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, Penguin Books, 5.46.
“a long-haired star, known as a comet.” Suetonius, The
Twelve Caesars, Penguin Books, 5.46.
“seen for a very long time….” Dio, Roman History, Volume VIII, Loeb
Classical Library, 61.35.1.
“Pliny
the Elder lists four comets which
were seen (during the reigns of various emperors) “in the western sky,” including the comet seen “about the time of the
poisoning” of Claudius Caesar. [Pliny, Natural History, 2.23.]”
Conte Jr., Ronald L., Important Dates in the Lives of Jesus and Mary.
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
Inconsistencies
results when using a civil year basis for calculating Nero’s death: Based
upon the above I shall be pleased to add
13 years to the end of the accession year, which accession year started at the
time of Claudius’ death in Ijar or Sivan, 40 CE [cf. Claudius’ reign above]
ending at the beginning of Tishri 1, 40 CE, which brings me to the beginning of
Tishri 1, 53 CE. Adding the completed
final “8 days” brings me into Tishri 9, 53 CE [October 10 or 11, 53 CE,]
which is when Nero died according to such a scenario. In consequence of this Nero’s 14th
civil year of reign began Tishri 1, 53 CE and his 12th civil year of
reign began Tishri 1, 51 CE. The reckoning of the civil years of Nero’s reign
remains unchanged when using a...
Sacred year basis: If instead I was
to add the “13 years” to the sacred year ending at the beginning of Aviv 1, 41
CE, I would get to the beginning of Aviv 1, 54 CE. Adding the completed final “8 days” would
then bring me into Aviv 9, 54 CE [April 6 or 7, 54 CE] as the day when
Nero died. Considering that Nero’s reign began in Ijar or Sivan, 40,
Nero must then have reigned 13 years, 10 or 11 months, and 20 or 21 days. This
is indeed very close to Suetonius’ statement that Nero reigned “nearly fourteen
years.” Considering also that this statement
of Josephus is taken out of War of the Jews, and not out of Antiquities of the
Jews, this latter date is likely the correct one. In consequence of this Nero’s
14th sacred year of reign began Aviv 1, 54 CE and his 12th
sacred year of reign began Aviv 1, 52 CE.
The clinching argument in favor of this last scenario, and the argument that
was the basis for even considering using the sacred year as the basis for
Nero’s reign in this setting, is that which follows upon the last two quotes
out of Josephus above (The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4 & II:19:9,)
which argument is that the month Heshvan [Dius, Marchesvan, the 8th
lunar month] is subsequent to the month Zif [Artemisius, Jyar, the 2nd
lunar month] within the same numbered [“the twelfth”] year only when using a
sacred calendar year, which it ought to be considering the orderly record of
Josephus in his The Wars of the Jews. If Nero died in Tishri, 53 CE
rather than in Aviv, 54 CE, I would be forced to conclude that Josephus made an
error in one of the two last quoted passages above. However, this is not all.
In consequence of one date of the above vs. the other Galba died either in May
or in October according to the dates given by Josephus. But Josephus makes it
very clear that Galba died in the “winter time” (cf. the quote
below.) For this to be true Nero must
have died in Aviv and not in Tishri:
“Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along
with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts
of Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that Galba
was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and
as many days.” Josephus, The Wars
of the Jews, IV:9:2
The date for Nero’s death I very important, because it
may make a difference re our understanding as to when
One additional question, and a potential problem, is
where this places Agrippa Jr’s royal appointment by Caesar Claudius, i.e. per
the words “the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa” out of the
above quote from Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, II:14:4
(2.284.)
-
- - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
Re Nero’s age of life:
“Nero was born at Antium, nine months after the death of Tiberius,1
upon the eighteenth of
the calends of January [15th
December]” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars [6, 6] (ed. Alexander
Thomson))
Given that Tiberius died on March 16, 23 CE, we may
thus conclude that Nero
was born December 15, 23 CE.
“In the eleventh year of his age, he was adopted by Claudius, and placed under the tuition of Anneus Seneca” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars
[6, 7] (ed. Alexander Thomson))
Given the above this would normally mean that Nero’s 11th year of his age, as counted by Suetonius(?)
and in our days, would begin
December 15, 33 CE and end December 14, 34 CE.
However, counting biblically, Nero’s first year of
life would begin Tishri 24 CE and his 11th year would begin Tishri
34 CE.
“58.
In the consulship of Didius Junius and Quintus Haterius, Nero, now sixteen years of age, married Octavia, the emperor's daughter…” (The
Annals XII:58 by Cornelius Tacitus)
“6. …a prince of scarce seventeen was to encounter and avert this tremendous peril… who was ruled by a
woman… directed by tutors.” (The
Annals XIII:6 by Cornelius Tacitus)
Given the above it follows that Nero was 16 years of age beginning December
15, 39 CE and ending December 14, 40 CE based on common Western reckoning, presumably the same as Suetonius
would have used. Nero’s 17th biblical year, began, based upon the
above, Tishri 40 CE.
“…in honor of Claudius. VII. He was
seventeen years of age at the death of that prince,1 and as soon as that event was made public, he went
out to the cohort on guard between the hours of six and seven; for the omens
were so disastrous, that no earlier time of the day was judged proper.” [“that
prince = “Claudius”] (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars [6, 8]
(ed. Alexander Thomson.))
Given the above it follows that Nero was 17 years of age beginning December
15, 40 CE and ending December 14, 41 CE based on common Western reckoning, presumably the same as Suetonius
would have used. Nero’s 18th biblical year, began, based upon the
above, Tishri 41 CE.
When did Nero die? Is that the same date as that which is
counted by Josephus as the end of Nero’s reign or not? When did the civil war
begin?
Josephus record does not seem to agree with that of
Tacitus, the latter indicating that Nero died after the calends of January
(January 1) so this question calls for a deeper study:
Suetonius provides:
“At Naples he heard of the insurrection in Gaul,
on the anniversary of the day on which he killed his mother, and bore
it with so much unconcern, as to excite a suspicion that he was really glad of
it, since he had now a fair opportunity of plundering those wealthy provinces
by the right of war.” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson):XL)
Nero’s matricide:
Tacitus and Suetonius both provide that
Nero killed his mother late at night on the Festival of Minerva, aka Festival
of Quinquatrus, which falls out on March 19, i.e. his mother probably died on
March 20, which would then also be the date when Nero first “heard of the
insurrection in Gaul:”
Tacitus:
“IV. Nero liked the device, favoured as it also was by
the particular time, for he was celebrating Minerva's five days' festival at
Baiæ.” (Tacitus,
The Annals, XIV:IV.)
“IV. Placuit sollertia, tempore etiam iuta, quando
Quinquatruum festos dies apud Baias frequentabat.” (Cornelius
Tacitus, Annales, XIV:IV.)
Suetonius:
“And so, pretending a reconciliation,
he wrote a delightful letter inviting her to Baiae to celebrate with him the
rites of the festival of Minerva.” (Suetonius, Nero, UQ.)
“hoc consilio per conscios
parum celato solutilem navem, cuius vel naufragio vel camarae
ruina periret, commentus est atque ita reconciliatione simulata iucundissimis
litteris Baias evocavit ad sollemnia Quinquatruum
simul celebranda;” (Suetonius,
Nero, UQ.)
According to Tacitus, Nero murdered his mother “IN THE
year of the consulship of Caius Vipstanus and Caius Fonteius” (Tacitus,
The Annals, Book XIV:1.) However, without more:
How do we correlate this consulship year with the Julian calendar? No matter,
there are at least about 12 consulships from the time of this
consulships through the end the life of Nero, so there is no need, at
this point, of knowing exactly what year this matricide took place. We are
interested primarily in learning the answers to the above questions re the end
of Nero’s life, the end of Nero’s reign, and the beginning of the civil war.
Having learnt that Nero first “heard of the insurrection in Gaul,
on the
anniversary of the day on
which he killed his mother,” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson):XL)
it occurs to me that March 19/20 is a date very close to the beginning of the
First biblical month, Aviv, and that Josephus is providing that “Nero was
dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days” (Josephus,
Wars, IV:9:2.) Could it be that Josephus is in fact, by these last quoted
words, giving reference, not to Nero’s death, but only to the end of Nero’s
reign, and that said “eight days” correspond to the first eight days of the
biblical year prior to the anniversary of Nero’s matricide? Could it be that
March 19 or 20 of the year when Nero first “heard of the insurrection in
Reviewing NASA’s phase of the moon tables, I find that
for the years 43 through 71 CE only 53 CE and 61 CE allows for Aviv 9 falling
on March 19 or 20. For our purposes here we are only interested in pursuing the
53 CE option, but the rarity of this event make this correlation a very
important astronomical anchor point if indeed it can be confirmed that this
date agrees also with our extant historical records, e.g. those of Josephus,
Suetonius, and Tacitus.
First I find that the new moon crescent was most
likely visible on the evening of March 10, 53 CE. Also it is quite likely that
March 10, 53 CE coincided with Adar 30, 53 CE and thus that by far the most
likely date for Aviv 1, 53 CE was March 11, 53 CE, (or else, but much more
unlikely, March 12, 53 CE, certainly not on any date prior to March 11.)
Accordingly, if indeed Nero first “heard of the insurrection in
“IV. …And now she was invited to a banquet,
that night might serve to conceal the crime.
It was well known that somebody had been found to betray it, that Agrippina had
heard of the plot, and in doubt whether she was to believe it, was conveyed to
Baiæ in her litter. There some soothing words allayed her fear; she was
graciously received, and seated at table above the emperor. Nero prolonged the
banquet with various conversation, passing from a youth's playful familiarity
to an air of constraint, which seemed to indicate serious thought, and then,
after protracted festivity, escorted her on her departure, clinging with kisses
to her eyes and bosom, either to crown his hypocrisy or because the last sight
of a mother on the even of destruction caused a lingering even in
that brutal heart.
“V. A
night of brilliant starlight with the calm of a tranquil sea was
granted by heaven, seemingly, to convict the crime. The vessel had not gone
far, Agrippina having with her two of her intimate attendants, one of whom,
Crepereius Gallus, stood near the helm, while Acerronia, reclining at
Agrippina's [p. 323] feet as she reposed herself, spoke joyfully of her son's
repentance and of the recovery of the mother's influence, when at a given
signal the ceiling of the place, which was loaded with a quantity of lead, fell
in, and Crepereius was crushed and instantly killed.”
Is it thus possible that at that time in Rome Nero
celebrated the Festival of Quinquatruum beginning at sunset March 18, 53 CE? Or
else, is it possible that Suetonius and Josephus both considered the date for
the act of killing based upon the beginning of the physical act rather than
upon the accomplishment of the intended act? If the night of March 18/19, 53 CE
is the correct date for this event then the only other option is that either
Josephus or Suetonius made an error in their references to this specific day by
simplifying it to March 19 and Aviv 9 respectively? Considering that the
answers to each of these three questions is “Yes, but not likely” I will have
to remain cautious in the pursuit of this event as an event possibly having
occurred in 53 CE? If indeed a further study confirms that the details of the
historical record agree with such a date, then this date may be considered an
important astronomical anchor point, otherwise not.
Let’s first consider Josephus’ statements touching
upon the events of the civil war in Rome which Josephus is otherwise
essentially skipping over while giving reference to “a great number of Greek and
Roman authors” (cf. below):
“2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was
getting ready with all his army to march directly to
Considering carefully Josephus’ structuring of the
above paragraph I find that it is indeed quite likely that the events narrated
beginning with the words “Bnt as to any narration after…” do indeed cover events subsequent to the words just preceding the
last quote, i.e. events having occurred “after [Nero] had reigned thirteen years and eight days.” That this is so seems further emphasized by the
reference to Nero having “abused his power in the government, and committed the management of
affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men,” does it not?
If this line of reasoning is correct, then, by the
same line of reasoning, we have a quite sensible resolution as to the apparent
disagreement between Josephus and Suetonius re the date of Nero’s death, i.e.:
XL. The world, after tolerating such an emperor for
little less than fourteen years, at length forsook him; the Gauls,
headed by Julius
Vindex, who at that time governed the province as pro-praetor, being the
first to revolt.
(C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed.
Alexander Thomson))
XLVI… The Lares being adorned with fresh garlands on the calends (the
first) of January,
fell down during the preparations for sacrificing to them. While he was taking
(375) the omens,…
L. The expenses of his funeral amounted to two hundred thousand sesterces;
the bed upon which his body was carried to the pile and burnt, being covered
with the white robes, interwoven with gold, which he had worn upon the
calends of January preceding…
(C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS, NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR)
Thus Josephus words “was informed that Nero was dead, after
he had reigned thirteen years and eight days…” (Josephus,
The Wars of the Jews, IV:9:2) are
not at all giving us an accounting of years and days pertaining to Nero’s
death, but only an accounting up to the end of his de facto reign over the
Roman empire prior to the civil war and the insurrection in Gaul. Although in
fact the insurrection did begin a very few days prior to Aviv 9, it is obvious
that there can be no war until both parties are aware of such a situation, thus
the date given by Josephus: “Thirteen years and eight days.”
Before these discoveries I had concluded that Nero’s 12th
year of reign as reckoned by Josephus coincided very well with 50 CE, but if
the present considerations are valid then the same must also be true for 51 CE,
considering that, as reckoned by Josephus, Nero’s 14th year of reign
began Aviv 1, 53 CE, and accordingly Nero’s 12th year of reign began
Aviv 1 51 CE, not 50 CE. After having thouroughly reviewed these same passages (below,) I
find that 51 CE fits Josephus’ historical record as displayed in his The Wars
of the Jews quite well, thus confirming that Nero’s 12th sacred year
of reign did indeed begin with Aviv 51 CE.
Reviewing
Josephus’ passages that
led me to conclude that Josephus is using a sacred year basis in The Wars of
the Jews:
“…at the same time began the war, in the
twelfth year of
the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in
the month of Artemisins [Jyar.]”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4
(2.284.)
“2. This happened
upon the
sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar].” Josephus,
The Wars of the Jews, II:15:2.
“6. Now the
next day was the
festival of Xylophory;
upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there might never be
a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning).” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
II:17:6.
Explanatory Note # 1
Why
does Josephus place this festival on Av 14 and not on Av
15? Isn’t the most likely reason for this that Av 15 fell on a Shabbat that
year? Doesn’t that agree also with the reference to the Second Day of the week
(translated “two days”) in the verse below? (Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
II:17:7.)
In which years did possibly Av 15 fall on a Shabbat?
A
detailed study of NASA’s Phases of the Moon tables,
and of the corresponding month/week/day of the week calendars, for the years 49
CE through 53 CE shows - and confirms - that the events here recorded by
Josephus happened in 50 CE.
“7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the
garrison which was in it two days, [Or, more likely, “Day Two” of the week!
This is an important piece of the time puzzle being that it is separate from
the subsequently dated events, i.e. month and day given by Josephus!] and then took the garrison,
and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; after which they marched to the
palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four
bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no
one had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so
numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and turrets,
and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls;
nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day, while
the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food, and
those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the
siege.” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, II:17:7.
“8. In the
mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean, (who
was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under
Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans,) took some of the men
of note with him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's
armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also.
These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to
“9. But on the next day [
“10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted
them, while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices;
but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to
prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is true, that when
the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers,
they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and
this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and
desired that they would. give them security to spare
their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had
with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them
Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the
son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their right hands,
and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; which
soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the
seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according
to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their
swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's
men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew
them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy,
but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their
oaths. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting
Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew,
and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the
Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense
army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while
men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for
a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such
abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even
though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled
with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great
disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of
the seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the sabbath day, [Saturday September 10, 51 CE - The day
subsequent to the “the sixth day of
the month Gorpieus [Elul]” Friday September 11, 51 CE] on which day
the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:17:10.
“1. NOW the people of Cesarea
had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the
soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by
the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty
thousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea was emptied of its Jewish
inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the
galleys.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:18:1.
“3. And thus far the
conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to
Scythopolis, they found Jew that acted as enemies; for as they stood in
battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before
their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; nay, their
alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These
were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the
night time, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for
themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded
them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their
fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the
city, with their families to a neighboring grove; and when they had done as
they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of Scythopolis
lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on
the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their
throats, some as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number
that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all
that they had.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:18:3.
“4.
But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among
the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army
along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to
“5.
In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by
Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about
to open the gates for him; but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his
anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were
in earnest; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the
seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down
from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but
they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts
at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack
against the wall for five days, [I
find good grammatical and contextual basis for believing that the correct
translation is not “for five days,” but rather “on Day Five,” i.e. the
Fifth Day of the week, or Dius
1, [Marchesvan 1,]] but to no purpose. But on the next day [i.e. most likely Day Six, or the
Sixth Day of the week, or Dius
2, [Marchesvan 2,]] Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with
them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern
quarter of it; but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them
several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the
multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire; but the first rank
of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were
behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded
themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which
the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off without doing them any harm; so
the soldiers undermined the wall, without being themselves hurt, and got all
things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple.” Josephus, The Wars
of the Jews, II:19:5.
“7.
It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged
despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he
recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of
taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city,
without any reason in the world. But when the robbers perceived this unexpected
retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of
his army, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and
footmen; and now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus; and as
he went off farther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still
fell upon the hindmost, and destroyed them; they also fell upon the flank on
each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those
that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining
that the multitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture
to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were
heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and
because they saw the Jews were light, and ready for making incursions upon
them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being
able to revenge themselves upon their enemies; so they were galled all the way,
and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of
their ranks were slain; among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth
legion, and Longinus, the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a
troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao,
their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their
baggage. There it was that Cestius staid two days, [or “on the Second Day,”
i.e. “on Day Two,” or Dius 5, [Marchesvan 5,]] and was in great
distress to know what he should do in these circumstances; but when on the
third day [Dius 6, [Marchesvan 6,]] he saw a still much
greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he
understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any
longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him.” Josephus, The Wars
of the Jews, II:19:7.
“8.
That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might
hinder his army's march; so they killed the mules and other creatures,
excepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for
their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews
should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoron. Now
the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places;
but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did
some of them get before, and hindered them from getting out of them; and others
of them thrust the hinder-most down into the lower places; and the whole
multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered
the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew
not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more,
for they were so pelted, that they could not march along the road in their
ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march
against the enemy; the precipices also and valleys into which they frequently
fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither
place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their
defense; till the distress they were at last in was so great, that they betook
themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost
despair: the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one
another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those
that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. Indeed, things were come to such a
pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the
night come on [Dius
7, [Marchesvan 7,]] when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the
Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming
out [in the morning].” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:19:8
“9. And then it was that
Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he
might best run away; and when he had selected four hundred of the most
courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their
fortifications, and gave order, that when they went up to the morning guard,
they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that
the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces
with him, and marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs. But when the Jews
perceived, in the morning, that the camp was empty, they ran upon those
four hundred who had deluded them, and immediately threw their darts at them,
and slew them; and then pursued after Cestius. But he had already made use of a great
part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when
it was day; insomuch that the soldiers, through the astonishment and
fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing
of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war. So the Jews went on
pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not
overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead
bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them,
and came back running and singing to their metropolis; while they had
themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three
hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on
the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:19:9 (2.555.)
“1. AFTER this calamity had befallen Cestius,
many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship
when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren,
together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king
Agrippa's forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. But then how
Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not
fly away with them, was afterward slain by the seditious, we shall relate
hereafter. However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their
own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him
of the great distress they were in, and to lay the blame of their
kindling the war upon Florus, as hoping to alle
“There were also such omens observed as were
understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those
that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the
very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a
place doomed to destruction.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:22:1.
Explanatory Note # 2
Most likely the ”omens observed” were the comets
appearing in 46 and 49 CE. Other comets
and eclipses that has been considered for this
references occurred in 54 and 56 CE.
The above quotes clearly demonstrates that each of the months referenced in Josephus’ record,
as above quoted, i.e. Iyar,
Av, Elul, Tishri, and Heshvan occurred in (50 or) 51 CE, and that consequently Nero’s
12th sacred
year of reign began Aviv 1, 51 CE and that Nero’s 12th civil year of reign began Tishri 1, 50 CE!
- - - - - End of review - - - - -
Thus
we have been able thus far to answer each of our questions in the heading
above: 1. Nero died in January. 2. Josephus makes a distinction between the end
of the reign of Nero, Aviv 9 [March 19, 53 CE,] and the death of Nero [January
54 CE (January is provided by Suetonius. Josephus does not provide a date for
Nero’s death.)] 3. The Civil War, as
reckoned by Josephus, began when Nero was notified of the insurrection in
We
are now ready to understand why Suetonius is stating that Nero was Emperor “for
little less than fourteen years” and how he is counting those years: Nero died
shortly after the beginning of January, 54 CE. Claudius died on Zif 21 or Sivan
21, 40 CE [May 21 or else June 20 or 21, 40 CE.] Accordingly, Nero died some
time between January 1 and June 21, 54 CE, most likely sometime in the middle
of January. Thus, Nero died at the very
most four month and twenty days after Claudius died, possibly much less.
Considering
the fact that I do not recall anything
in Tacitus and Suetonius records referencing any particular date re Claudius’
death much before Claudius’ death as published on October 13, 40 CE, and
considering that Josephus provides the beginning of Nero’s accession year
between Aviv 1, 39 CE [March 14 or 15 or April 14, 39 CE] and
Tishri 1, 39 CE [September 9 or
October 8 or 9, 39 CE] one may also consider the possibility of
Suetonius counting Nero’s reign from a crowning event dated somewhere between
March 14 and October 9, 39 to a point “a little” before the corresponding date
in 53 CE, albeit necessarily after March 19, 53 CE (the anniversary of the
matricide) thus arriving at a “little less than fourteen years.”
Given
that Nero was born December 15, 23 CE, and that he died in January, 54 CE, we
can conclude that he was just beginning his 31st year of life when
he died. However, Suetonius also provides:
“He [Nero] died in the thirty-second year of his age, upon the same day on which he had formerly put Octavia to death” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS, NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR:LVII.)
Why
this one year discrepancy? Is there a clue to be found in the reference to
Octavia’s death? Or is the answer simply that Suetonius is counting the
calendar years of Nero inclusively, i.e. starting with the year which ended 17
days after his birth? Or else, could it be that Suetonius is counting Nero’s
age from the day of Nero’s conception some nine months prior to December 15, 23
CE, i.e. from about March 15, 23 CE until Nero’s death sometime between March
15 and June 21, 54 CE? Is there a way of finding out exactly what date Octavia
died? What is the answer? Her exact date of birth could also be helpful
considering Tacitus’ statement below:
“A June 9th death day comes from Jerome, Chronicle
which lists Nero,’s rule as
13 years, 7 months and 28 days.” (Wikipedia,
cf. “Benario
591-92” and Cassius Dio, LXIII.29, [Warm, 51], [Garz, 160, 611]”)
“64. And now the girl, in
her twentieth year, with centurions and soldiers around her, already removed
from among the living by the forecast of doom, still could not reconcile
herself to death. After an interval of a few days, she received an order that
she was to die” (Tacitus,
The Annals, Book XIV:64)
[Re Nero’s death etc.: On
the internet Nero’s death is commonly said to have been June 9, 68 AD. The only
reference for this date that I have found is Jerome as quoted above. Obviously
this June 9 date is a computation based upon the October 13, 40 CE date when
Claudius death was finally published and when Nero was officially presented as
the new Emperor of Rome. However, albeit June 9 fits within the above window of
time, I do not believe that this is either likely or a correct interpretation
of Jerome’s data, nor am I convinced that Jerome is necessarily a reliable
source considering that he was not by far a contemporary of Nero (Jerome is
listed as having lived from 331 or 342 to 420
AD.) If Jerome was using the Jewish convention for dating reigns he may
have used the civil year method and based Nero’s reign on 1 Tishri, 40 CE. If
this was Jerome’s intention and if his intention agrees with the real events,
then Nero died on Zif 29, 54 CE [May 25 (or 26, or June (23 or) 24,) 54 CE.]
Jerome obviously wasn’t using the same sacred year method used by Josephus, or
Nero would have died Heshvan 29, 53 CE [(October 31 or November 1 or) November
29, 53 CE, which is prior to the January 1, 54 CE referenced by Suetonius when
Nero was still alive.] Suetonius’ statement “for a long time [some] decked his
[Nero’s] tomb with spring and summer flowers”
could be taken as an indication that Nero’s death occurred in the spring, i.e.
no later than the month of May, but this is iffy as Suetonius’ statement could
be a reference to several succeeding years. (Cf. C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS, NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR:LVII.)
If so, then in consequence of the above considerations, perhaps the correct
date for Nero’s death is May 25, 54 CE? Or, supposing that Jerome used a civil
year basis beginning 1 Tishri, 39 CE, Nero’s death
would have been between sunset June 3rd and sunset June 5th.
I also find one reference claiming that Nero married Octavia on June 9 (Wikipedia.) In
the end we may not really need an exact date for Nero’s death, i.e. to the
extent that further study isn’t necessary for further correction of prior
work.]
Conclusions:
Nero was born December 15, 23 CE.
Nero was adopted by Caesar Claudius in his 11th
year of age [beginning December 15, 33 CE.]
Nero married Octavia in his 16th year of
age [the year beginning December 15, 39 CE.]
Nero began his reign after a period of co-regency with
Claudius, which began between Aviv 1, 39 CE [March 14 or 15 or April 14, 39
CE] and
Tishri 1, 39 CE [September 9 or
October 8 or 9, 39 CE].
Nero’s 1st civil year of reign began
Tishri 1, 39 CE [September 9 or October 8 or 9, 39 CE.]
Josephus counts Nero’s 1st sacred year of
reign from the beginning of Aviv 22,
40 CE [April 23 or May 22, 40 CE.] Josephus is using sacred years of reign when
referencing certain time periods within the war of the Jews in his work The War of the Jews.
Nero’s reign, as recognized by Josephus,
ended on Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,] when he first “heard of the insurrection
in
Nero died some time within a very few days prior to the time
when Galba, sometime between June 1 and June 6, 53 CE [between Sivan 24 and 30,
53 CE,] received the “advice… from
.
Considerations:
For all important
considerations and references re Galba’s reign, please cf. also under the
Wars of the Jews section!
Quoting Ronald L.
Conte Jr.:
“Galba reigned for only 7 months and 7 days.995 “
995 Josephus, The Wars of the Jews 4.499.
“Tacitus
also states that Galba reigned for about seven months, and places his death in mid
January.996 “
996 Tacitus, The Histories, trans. Kenneth
Wellesley, (London, England: Penguin Books, 1995), 1.27, 1.37, p. 32, 39. See
also: Tacitus, The Histories,
ed. G. P. Goold, trans. C. H. Moore, Tacitus, Volume II, Loeb Classical
Library, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996), 1.27,
1.37.
“Suetonius tells us that Galba died “before
he had reigned seven months.”997“
997 Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, Penguin Books, p. 258.
See also: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars,
Loeb Classical Library, 7.23.
Quoting Josephus:
“…he [Vespasian] sent
his son Titus to him [Galba], to salute him, and to receive his commands about
the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with
Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the
coasts of Achaia, for it was winter time,
they heard that Galba was slain,
before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government” Josephus,
Wars, IV:9:2.
Quoting Suetonius:
“VI... He was then governor
of the
“IX. He governed the
province during eight years, his administration being of an uncertain
and capricious character. At first he was active, vigorous, and indeed
excessively severe, in the punishment of offenders. For, a money-dealer having
committed some fraud in the way of his business, he cut off his hands, and nailed
them to his counter. Another, who had poisoned an orphan, to whom he was
guardian, and next heir to the estate, he crucified. On this delinquent
imploring the protection of the law, and crying out that he was a Roman
citizen, he affected to afford him some alleviation, and to mitigate his
punishment, by a mark of honour, ordered a cross, higher than usual, and
painted white, to be erected for him But by degrees he gave himself up to a
life of indolence and inactivity, from the fear of giving Nero any occasion of
jealousy, and because, as he used to say, " Nobody was obliged to render
an account of their leisure hours." He was holding a court of
justice on the circuit at New Carthage, when he received intelligence of the
insurrection in Gaul; and while the lieutenant of Aquitania was soliciting his
assistance, letters were brought from Vindex, requesting him " to assert
the rights of mankind, and put himself at their head to relieve them from the
tyranny of Nero." Without any long demur, he accepted the invitation, from
a mixture of fear and hope. For he had discovered that private orders
had been sent by Nero to his procurators in the province to get him dispatched;
and he was encouraged to the enterprise, as well by several auspices and omens,
as by the prophecy of a young woman of good family…” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed.
Alexander Thomson): 7, IX.)
“XI. These dangers were
followed by the death of Vindex, at which being extremely discouraged, as if
fortune had quite forsaken him, he had thoughts of putting an end to his own
life; but receiving advice by his messengers from Rome that Nero was
slain, and that all had taken an oath to him as emperor, he laid aside the
title of lieutenant, and took upon him that of Caesar. Putting himself
upon his march in his general's cloak, and a dagger hanging from his neck
before his breast, he did not resume the use of the toga. until
Nymphidius Sabinus, prefect of the pretorian guards at
“XVI. By this conduct he
incurred the hatred of all orders of the people, but especially of the
soldiery. For their commanders having promised them in his name a donative
larger than usual, upon their taking the oath to him before his arrival at
“XVII. Upon receiving
intelligence of this, imagining that he was slighted not so much on account of
his age, as for having no children, he immediately singled out of a company of
young persons of rank, who came to pay their compliments to him, Piso Frugi Licinianus, a youth of noble descent and great talents, for whom
he had before contracted such a regard, that he had appointed him in his will
the heir both of his estate and name. Him he now styled his son, and
taking him to the camp, adopted him in
the presence of the assembled troops,
but without making any mention of a donative. This circumstance afforded the
better opportunity to Marcus Salvius Otho of accomplishing his object, six days after the adoption.” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed.
Alexander Thomson): 7, XVII.)
“XVIII. Many remarkable
prodigies had happened from the very beginning of his reign,
which forewarned him of his approaching fate. In every town through which
he passed in his way from
“XIX. The day before he was slain, as he was
sacrificing in the morning, the
augur warned him from time to time to be upon his guard, for that he was in
danger from assassins, and that they were near at hand. Soon after, he was
informed, that Otho was in possession of the pretorian camp. And though most of
his friends advised him to repair thither immediately, in hopes that he might
quell the tumult by his authority and presence, he resolved to do nothing more
than keep close within the palace, and secure himself by guards of the
legionary soldiers, who were quartered in different parts about the city. He
put on a linen coat of mail, however; remarking at the same time, that it would
avail him little against the points of so many swords. But being tempted out by
false reports, which the conspirators had purposely spread to induce him to
venture abroad-some few of those about him too hastily assuring him that the
tumult had ceased, the mutineers were apprehended, and the rest coming to
congratulate him, resolved to continue firm in their obedience-he went forward
to meet them with so much confidence, that upon a soldier's boasting that he
had killed Otho, he asked him, " By what authority?" and proceeded as
far as the forum. There the knights appointed to dispatch him, making
their way through the crowd of citizens, upon seeing him at a distance, halted
a while; after which, galloping up to him, now abandoned by all his attendants,
they put him to death.” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed.
Alexander Thomson): 7, XIX.)
Quoting Tacitus:
“1. I shall
begin my work with the year in which Servius Galba and Titus Vinius were
consuls, the former for the second time. My choice of starting-point is
determined by the fact that the preceding period of 820 years dating from
the foundation of
“6… Galba's march [from
“11… This,
then, was the state of the Roman Empire when Servius Galba entered upon his
second consulship as the colleague of Titus Vinius, at the start of a year
which brought about their death and the near-destruction of
“12. A few days after 1 January, word came from
Pompeius Propinquus, the imperial agent in Belgica, that
the legions of
“27. On 15 January, Galba was offering sacrifice in
front of the
“36… Otho,
too, played his part well. He would hold out his hands, bow to the mob and
throw them kisses, in everything aping the slave in order to become the master.
When the naval legion had taken the oath down to the last man, he began to feel
sure of himself. Believing that individual inducement should be backed up by a
general appeal, he took up a position on the wall surrounding the barracks, and
addressed the pretorians as follows…:
“37. 'Barely seven months have passed since the death of Nero…
“41. On catching sight of the approaching party of armed men,
an ensign belonging to the cohort which formed Galba's escort - Atilius
Vergilio, according to the tradition - ripped from his standard the effigy of
Galba and dashed it to the ground, a clear indication that all the troops
supported Otho. It was also a signal for a mass exodus of the civilian populace
from the Forum. Swords were drawn to deal with recalcitrants. Near the
“The
identity of the killer is in doubt. Some authorities speak of a veteran called
Terentius. Others mention one Laecanius. The more usual version holds that a
soldier of the Fifteenth Legion named Camurius thrust his sword deep into
Galba's throat. The rest of them, with revolting butchery, hacked at
his legs and arms, as these (un-like his body) were not protected by armour.
These sadistic monsters even inflicted a number of wounds on the already
truncated torso.
“43.
This day's work has
provided modern times with the spectacle of a real act of heroism. The hero was
Sempronius Densus, a centurion who belonged to one of the pretorian cohorts and
had been appointed by Galba to watch over Piso's safety…
“49. The body of Galba lay disregarded for many hours, and
under cover of night marauders offered it repeated outrage. Finally his steward
Argius, an old retainer of his, buried it in a humble grave in the grounds of
Galba's private villa. The head fell into the hands of army sutlers and
servants, who were responsible for impaling and mutilating it. It was only on
the following day that it was found in front of the tomb of Patrobius, a
freedman of Nero who had been sentenced by Galba. It was then laid with the
ashes of the body, which had already been cremated.
“Such
was the fate of Servius Galba. In the course of seventy-three years he had lived a successful life spanning the reigns of five
emperors - reigns which proved luckier for him than his own.” (Tacitus,
The Histories, 1:1-49.)
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
A misleading basis: Based upon the above I shall be pleased to add “seven months” to the
base of (the accession year, which is) the year starting Tishri 1, 53 CE
[October 2 or 3, 53 CE,] - How else can Suetonius be correct? - which brings me to the beginning of Zif (Ijar) 1, 54 CE.
Adding the completed final “as many [7] days” brings me into Zif 7 or 8,
54 CE [May 4, 5, or 6, 54 CE,] which is when Galba died. This result does not concur at all with
Tacitus, however it does agree with Suetonius.
More importantly, this does NOT agree with Josephus’ statement “it was
winter time,” thus I am forced to conclude that…
One could
possibly (?) use as a basis the year beginning prior to the death of the
predecessor: Based upon the arguments presented above, for the sake of
consistency on the part of Josephus, and upon the fact that this reference is
taken out of War of the Jews, and not out of Antiquities of the Jews, I add the
“seven months” onto the beginning of Aviv 1, 54 CE and onto the beginning of
the sacred year, just prior to the death of Nero, I arrive at the beginning of
Heshvan 1, 54 CE. Adding “as many [7]
days” brings me into Heshvan 7 or 8, 54 CE [October 27, 28, or 29,] which
is when Galba may have died! This result also agrees with Suetonius’
statement that Galba died “before he had reigned seven months.” [This result,
however does not agree with Tacitus who places Galba’s death in mid-January.]
Necessity forces
a basis other than the ones previously familiar to me: To be fully
consistent with his apparent practice elsewhere, Josephus would have had to
count the reign of Galba as starting at the beginning of the next following
[sacred or civil] year, not the new year prior to the death of his predecessor.
However, if he did so and if indeed Galba did die on the day above indicated,
then Josephus would have recorded Galbas’ death as occurring ‘after one month
and seven days’ if using the civil calendar, and as not occurring at all if
using a sacred calendar. Thus, if Josephus’ intention was a consistent usage of
the sacred calendar in this setting, he would have been forced to base his
calculations upon the beginning of the last Aviv 1 prior to his
predecessor. Other than that he may have
based his calculation upon the actual day of death of his predecessor, thusly:
The most
attractive basis: Based upon the day Nero died, I add the “seven months”
onto the beginning of Aviv 9, 54 CE [April 6 or 7, 54 CE,] and arrive at the
beginning of Heshvan 1, 54 CE. Adding
“as many [7] days” brings me into Heshvan 16, 54 CE [November 5 or 6,]
which is when most likely Galba died! This result agrees perfectly with
Suetonius’ statement that Galba died “before he had reigned seven months.”
[This result, however does not agree with Tacitus who places Galba’s death in
mid-January.] This seems to me to be the
most attractive result obtained thus far.
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
Conclusion:
Galba began his reign when
Nero died, i.e. on Tishri
9, 52 CE [September (21 or)
22, 52 CE (or, less likely, October 21 (or 22,) 52 CE.)]
Galba died on Zif 8,
53 CE [May (15 or) 16, 53 CE.]
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
Conclusions:
Galba began his reign as
Caesar of Rome when, sometime between June 1 and June 6, 53 CE [between Sivan
24 and 30, 53 CE,] he received the “advice… from
Galba died after sunset on January 15, 53 CE [Day 15 in the 11th Moon, Shevat 15, 54
CE,] but Josephus counts Galba’s reign as ending on January 9, 54 CE [Shevat 8,
54 CE] when…
Piso was adopted as Galba’s
son on January 9, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE.]
Piso was killed before
sunset January 15, 54 CE [Day 14 in the 11th Moon, Shevat 14, 54 CE.]
For all important considerations and references re Otho’s reign, please
cf. under the Wars
of the Jews section!
Quoting Ronald L.
Conte Jr.:
“Suetonius 95 days,1001 “
1001 Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, Penguin Books, p. 265.
See also: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars,
Loeb Classical Library, book 7, Otho, 11.2.
“Josephus 3 months and 2 days (92 days).1002
“
1002 Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, 4.548.
Quoting Josephus:
“Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at
Brixia, and after he had
managed the public affairs three months and two days. Otho's
army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to
Quoting Suetonius:
“II. The emperor Otho was born upon the fourth of
the calends of May [“IIII. Kal. Mai;” 28th April], in the consulship of Camillus
Aruntius and Domitius Aenobarbus…
“VII. Towards the
close of the day, he entered the senate, and after he had made a short speech
to them, pretending that he had been seized in the streets, and compelled by
violence to assume the imperial authority, which he designed to
exercise in conjunction with them, he retired to the palace. Besides other
compliments which he received from those who flocked about him to congratulate
and flatter him, he was called Nero by the mob, and manifested no
intention of declining that cognomen…
“VIII. About the
same time, the armies in
“IX. Though it was the
general opinion that it would be proper to protract the war, as the enemy were
distressed by (423) famine and the straitness of their quarters, yet he
resolved with equal rashness to force them to an engagement as soon as
possible; whether from impatience of prolonged anxiety, and in the hope of
bringing matters to an issue before the arrival of Vitellius, or because he
could not resist the ardour of the troops, who were all clamorous for battle. He was not,
however, present at any of those which ensued, but stayed behind at Brixellum 683. He had the advantage
in three slight engagements, near the Alps, about Placentia, and a place called
Castor's 684; but was, by a
fraudulent stratagem of the enemy, defeated in the last and greatest battle, at
Bedriacum 685. For, some hopes of a conference being given, and the
soldiers being drawn up to hear the conditions of peace declared, very
unexpectedly, and amidst their mutual salutations, they were obliged to stand
to their arms. Immediately upon this he determined to put an end to his
life…
“XI. And now being prepared, and just upon the point
of dispatching himself, he was induced to suspend the
execution of his purpose by a great tumult which had broken out in the camp.
Finding that some of the soldiers who were making off had been seized and
detained as deserters, "Let us add," said he, "this
night to our life." These were his very words.
“He then gave orders that no violence should be offered
to any one; and keeping his chamber-door open until late at night, he allowed all
who pleased the liberty to come and see him. At last, after quenching his
thirst with a draught of cold water, he took up two poniards, and having
examined the points of both, put one of them under his pillow, and shutting his
chamber-door, slept very soundly, until, awaking about break of day, he stabbed
himself under the left pap. Some persons bursting into the room upon his first
groan, he at one time covered, and at another exposed his wound to the view of
the bystanders, and thus life soon ebbed away. His funeral was hastily
performed, according to his own order, in the thirty-eighth year of his age,
and ninety-fifth day of his reign.
XII… It is said likewise that he celebrated publicly the sacred rites
of
Quoting Tacitus:
“55. At
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
Some unfruitful
calculation attempts at first:
Based upon a false assumption re the death of the
predecessor: [Based upon the above I
shall be pleased to add “three months” to the end of Galba’s reign Zif 8,
54 CE [May 5 or 6, 54 CE,] which
brings me to the beginning of Av 8, 54 CE (How else could Suetonius be even
close?). Adding the completed final “two days” brings me into Av 11, 54
CE [
Based upon the same false assumption modified to the
beginning of Aviv 1: Considering the
exact date given at the death of Vitellius teaching me the practice of basing
at times the accession upon the beginning of the sacred year, I believe that
more likely than the above count, is what follows: Add “three months” onto the
beginning of Aviv 1, 54 CE [March (28 or) 29, 54 CE.] This brings me to the beginning of Tammuz 1,
54 CE. Adding the final “two days” brings me into Tammuz 2 or 3, 54 CE
[June 27 or 28, 54 CE,] which is when Otho died.
Based upon the
death of the predecessor – alternate date: Based upon the above I shall be
pleased to add “three months” to the end of Galba’s reign Heshvan 7 or 8, 54 CE
[October 27, 28, or 29,] or else Heshvan 16, 54 CE [November 5 or 6,] which
brings me to the beginning of Schebat 7or 8, 55 CE, or else to the beginning of
Schebat 16 [Cf. Galba’s death above!] Adding the completed final “two days”
brings me into Schebat 10 or 11, 55 CE [January 27, 28, or 29, 55 CE,]
or else to Schebat 18, 55 CE [February 4 or 5, 55 CE,] which is when Otho died.
Interestingly, this argument does allow for a maximum of 95 days as given by
Suetonius! However, this makes Otho survive Vitellius, which he did not do, or
else it pushes Vitellius’ reign into the next following year, i.e. 55 CE, while
allowing for an accession period of close to two months on the part of
Vitellius. This scenario doesn’t seem consistent with the facts, or does it?!
However, the above calculation is not consistent with
Josephus’ consistent practice as used elsewhere in giving the length of reigns
for the Roman emperors. Neither does it
agree with Josephus statement “Otho… came himself down to
Based upon the beginning of the sacred year starting
Aviv 1, 55 CE after Otho’s accession and after Galba’s death, I first add “three months,” which brings me to
the beginning of Tammuz 1, 55 CE. Adding the completed final “two days” brings
me into Tammuz 3, 55 CE [June 17 or 18, 55 CE,] which is when
Otho died.].
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
Conclusion:
Otho’s reign began when Galba died,
i.e. on Zif 8, 53 CE [May (15 or) 16, 53 CE.]
Otho
died on Elul 3, 53 CE [September 5, 53 CE.]
[The reign here calculated, 112 days, is considerably
longer than the 95 days given by Suetonius, i.e. as quoted by Conte.]
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
“II. The emperor Otho was born upon the fourth of
the calends of May [“IIII. Kal. Mai;” 28th April], in the consulship of Camillus
Aruntius and Domitius Aenobarbus…”
Otho’s reign began when
Galba died after sunset on January 15, 53 CE [Day 15 in the 11th
Moon, Shevat 15, 54 CE.]
Otho
died on Adar III 22, the 22nd
Day of the Fourteenth Moon, 54 CE [April 19, 54 CE.] Otho’s funeral was
performed on April 19, 54 CE.
For all important considerations and references re Vitellius’ reign,
please cf.
under the Wars of the Jews section!
Quoting Ronald L.
Conte Jr.:
“Josephus states the length of Vitellius’ reign
as only 8 months and 5 days.”
“While he was behaving in this way, evil omens occurred. A comet was
seen, and the moon, contrary to precedent, appeared to suffer two eclipses,
being obscured on the fourth and on the seventh day.”954
“Dio
states that a comet was seen, followed by a lunar eclipse
on the 4th or 7th of the month, during the summer of
Vitellius’ reign.1009 The summer of A.D.
54 included the sighting of a conspicuous comet.1010
This sighting was followed by a lunar eclipse on the seventh of the
month, visible from Rome. This unusual pairing of events is not found in any
other year that could possibly be the year of Vitellius’ reign.”
“In
A.D. 54,
a comet was observed and recorded by the ancient Chinese astronomers. This
comet had a tail measuring about 5 degrees and was seen between June 9 and July 9 of
that year.955 ”
954 Dio, Roman History, Volume VIII, Loeb
Classical Library, 64.8.1.
1009 Dio, Roman History, Volume VIII, Loeb
Classical Library, 64.8.1.
1010 Kronk, Cometography, p. 28-30.
“και γαρ
κομήτης αστήρ
εφαντάσθη και
ή σελήνη παρά
το καθεστηκος δίς
εκλελοιπεναι έδοξε'
και γαρ
τεταρταία και
εβδομαία
εσκιάσθη. και
ηλίους δύο άμα,
εκ τε των
ανατολών και
εκ των δυσμών,
τούτον μεν
ασθενή και
ωχρον εκείνον δε
λαμπρον και
ισχυρόν, εϊδον.” (Dio, Roman History, Volume
VIII:64:8:1.)
Translation provided – but I don’t make much sense out of it beyond
that of a comet having been seen:
“A comet was seen, and the moon,
contrary to precedent, appeared to suffer two eclipses, being obscured on the
fourth and on the seventh day. Also people saw two suns at once, one in the
west weak and pale, and one in the east brilliant and powerful.” (Dio,
Roman History, Volume VIII:64:8:1.)
Perhaps the following translation of mine would be true to the facts
and to the intent of the original Greek text?:
“A comet was seen, and
the moon, in an uncommon and impressive display [of power,] appeared to suffer a
two-fold eclipse while being obscured on the fourth [watch] of the Fourth
Day [of the week] and of the Seventh [day of the month; that is,
obscured both] by the [eclipsing earth] shadow laid upon it [and by the approaching horizon.
It was as if] I/they saw two suns at once, one [the moon, setting] in the west, weak and
pale, and one in the east [the rising sun] brilliant and powerful.”
Could it even be that the intent of
the originator of the text intended to convey the following details???:
“A spectacular star like comet and the moon, [which was initially] resting just beneath [the comet,] suffered a beautiful/glorious two-fold eclipse while
being obscured on the fourth [watch] of the Fourth Day [of the week] and of
the Seventh [day
of the month; that is, the moon was obscured]
by
the
[eclipsing earth] shadow laid upon it [while at the same time the comet was eclipsed by the moon. It was as if] I/they saw two suns at
once, one
[the moon, setting] in the west, weak and pale, and one in the east [the rising sun] brilliant and powerful.”
“For both a comet star visible [at that time] and the moon, in an uncommon
and impressive display, were observed to be involved in a two-fold eclipse. For both were
obscured on [the fourth watch
of] the
Fourth Day [of the week] and the Seventh [day of the month; that
is, the moon was obscured]
by a shadow [from the eclipsing earth hiding
the moon and the moon eclipsing the comet] laid upon them, and [this happened] while I/they saw
simultaneously two great luminaries, one in the east and one in the west, the latter weak and
pale [the
moon setting over the western horizon,] the former brilliant and powerful [the sun rising in the east.]”
“For both (και
γαρ) a comet star (κομητης
αστηρ) visible (εφαντασθη) [at that time] and (και) the moon (η σεληνη,) in an uncommon and impressive display (παρα το
καθεστηκον,) were observed to be involved in (εδοξε) a two-fold (δις) eclipse (εκλελοιπεναι.) For both (και γαρ) were obscured on [the fourth watch of] the Fourth Day
[of
the week] (τεταρταια) and (και) the Seventh [day of the month (εβδομαια;) that is, the moon was obscured] by a shadow [from the eclipsing earth hiding
the moon and the moon eclipsing the comet] laid upon them (εσκιασθη,) and (και) [this happened] while (αμα) I/they saw (ειδον) simultaneously (αμα) two (δυο) great luminaries (ηλιους,) one in the east (εκ τε των
ανατολων) and one in the west (και
εκ των δυσμων,) the latter (τουτον
μεν) weak and pale (ασθενη και ωχρον) [the moon setting over the western horizon,] the former (εκεινον δε) brilliant and powerful (λαμπρον
και ισχυρον) [the sun rising in the east.]”
Quoting Josephus:
“Then did Vitellius come
out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious
meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude,
and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of
Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days (26) and had he
lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient
for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty
thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the
next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and
his men to leave off killing…” Josephus, Wars, IV:11:4.
“3. The emperor
Aulus Vitellius, son of Lucius, was born on the eighth day before the Kalends
of October, or according to some, on the seventh day before the Ides of
September, in the consulship of Drusus Caesar and Norbanus Flaccus.” (Suetonius, The Lives of
the Caesars, The
Life of Vitellius: 3, p. 255.)
“8. As soon as he had entered the camp, he granted every
request that anyone made and even of his own accord freed those in disgrace
from their penalties, defendants of suits from their mourning,9
and the convicted from punishment. Therefore hardly a month
had passed, when the soldiers, regardless of the hour, for it was already
evening, hastily took him from his bedroom, just as he was, in
his common house-clothes,10
and hailed him as emperor. Then he was
carried about the most populous villages, holding a drawn sword of the Deified
Julius, which someone had taken from a shrine of Mars and handed him during the
first congratulations. 2 He did not return to headquarters
until the dining-room caught fire from the stove and was ablaze; and then, when
all were shocked p261and troubled at what seemed a bad omen,
he said: "Be of good cheer; to us light is given"; and this was his
only address to the soldiers. When he presently
received the support of the army of the upper province too, which
had previously transferred its allegiance for Galba to the senate, he
eagerly accepted the surname of Germanicus, which was unanimously offered him,
put off accepting the title of Augustus, and forever refused that of Caesar.” (Suetonius, The Lives of the Caesars, The
Life of Vitellius: 8, p. 261.)
“11… he assumed the office of high priest on the day of
Allia,16
held elections for ten years to come, and made himself consul for life.” (Suetonius, The Lives of the Caesars, The
Life of Vitellius: 11, p. 261.)
“the battle [of Allia] took place on July 18…” (Wikipedia, Battle of Allia)
“14... a proclamation of his in which
he ordered the astrologers to leave the city and
“XV. In the eighth
month of his reign, the troops both in Moesia and
“XVI. He advised the senate to send deputies, accompanied by
the Vestal Virgins, to desire peace, or, at least, time for consultation. The day after…
“The chief festivals of Vesta were the Vestalia
celebrated June 7 until June 15…” (Wikipedia)
“XVII. By this time the forerunners of the enemy's
army had broken into the palace, and meeting with nobody, searched, as was
natural, every corner. Being dragged by them out of his cell, and asked
"who he was?" (for they did not recognize
him), "and if he knew where Vitellius was?" he deceived them by a
falsehood. But at last being discovered, he begged hard to be detained in
custody, even were it in a prison; pretending to have something to say which
concerned Vespasian's security. Nevertheless, he was dragged half-naked into
the Forum, with his hands tied behind him, a rope about his neck, and his
clothes torn, amidst the most contemptuous abuse, both by word and deed, along
the Via Sacra; his head being held back by the hair, in the manner of condemned
criminals, and the point of a sword put under his chin, that he might hold up
his face to public view; some of the mob, meanwhile, pelting him with dung and
mud, whilst others called him "an incendiary and glutton." They also
upbraided him with the defects of his person, for he was monstrously tall, and
had a face usually very red with hard-drinking, a large belly, and one thigh
weak, occasioned by a chariot running against him, as he was attending upon
Caius 716, while he was driving. At length, upon the Scalae
Gemoniae, he was tormented and put to death in lingering tortures, and then
dragged by a hook into the
“XVIII. He [Vitellius] perished with his brother
and son, in the fifty-seventh year of his age…”
(C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson;) Vitellius XV-XVIII.)
Quoting Tacitus:
"LXVII. The ears
of Vitellius
were deaf to manly counsels. His whole soul was overwhelmed by a tender
anxiety, lest by an obstinate resistance he might leave the conqueror less
mercifully disposed to his wife and children. He had also a mother old and
feeble, but she, expiring a few days before, escaped by her opportune death the
ruin of her house, having gained from the Imperial dignity of her son nothing
but sorrow and a good name. On
the 18th of December [XV kalendas Ianuarias;
cf. kalends & Roman calendar /
months /ToL],
after hearing of the defection of the legion and the auxiliary infantry which
had surrendered at Narnia, he [Vitellius] left the palace, clad in mourning
robes, and surrounded by his weeping household. With him went his little son,
carried in a litter, as though in a funeral procession. The greetings of the people were flattering, but
ill-suited to the time; the soldiers preserved an ominous silence."
(Tacitus, The History,
BOOK III: SEPTEMBER — DECEMBER, A.D. 69; 3.67)
.
.
.
Several days and
nights being described in the intermediary sections of Tacitus…
.
.
.
“78. While these
events were in progress on Vitellius' side, the army of Vespasian, which had
left Narnia, was celebrating the festival of the Saturnalia in idleness at Ocriculum…
.
.
.
“85. At the point of
the sword, Vitellius was at one moment forced to look up and face the jeering, at
the next to fix his eyes not only on the statues of himself as they were pulled
down but wholly degenerate spirit. When a tribune mocked him, he retorted 'Whatever
you may say, I was your emperor.' Thereupon he fell lifeless beneath a rain
of blows. And still the mob reviled him in death as viciously as they had
flattered him while he lived.
“86… At the time of
his death, he [Vitellius] was fifty-seven years old… It was
now almost dusk, and owing to the panic of the magistrates and
senators, who had slipped out of the city or were taking cover in the houses of
their various dependants, it was impossible to call a meeting of the senate. As
for Domitian, when there was nothing more to fear from the enemy,
he presented himself to the Flavian leaders and was greeted with the
title Caesar'. The troops crowded round and just as they were, still armed,
escorted him to his father's home.” (The
Histories by Cornelius Tacitus —Book Three)
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
First some unfruitful calculations based upon
apparently faulty assumptions:
Based upon the above I shall be pleased to add “eight months”
counted upon the base of the sacred year starting at the beginning of Aviv
1, 54 CE [March (28 or) 29, 54 CE,] (as indicated by the specific date
provided by Josephus) which brings me to the beginning of Kislev
1, 54 CE. Adding the “five days” brings
me into Kislev 5 or 6, 54 CE [November 24 or 25, 54 CE,] which is
when Vitellius died.
The total lunar eclipse occurred on
Alternatively,
adding “eight months” upon the base of the sacred year starting at the
beginning of Aviv 1, 55 CE [March 19, 55 CE,] (as indicated by
the specific date provided by Josephus) I arrive at the beginning
of Kislev 1, 55 CE. Adding the “five
days” brings me into Kislev 5 or 6, 55 CE [November 13, 14, or 15, 55
CE,] which is when Vitellius died.
Quoting a
reference out of Ronald L. Conte:
“Kronk, Cometography,
p. 29-30. Dates for comets mentioned: Feb. 27 - Mar. 27 of A.D.
54, June 9 - July 9 of A.D. 54, and possibly June 4 to July 4 of A.D. 55.
These dates ranges are from full moon to full moon,
with the comet sighting taking place any time with that date range.”
The only lunar
eclipse during the first nine Jewish months of 55 CE was a partial lunar
eclipse. It occurred in the fifth Jewish month, on Av 13 [
The most
interesting part of this eclipse of Dio, unless it is an error, is it’s being
described as “contrary to precedent, appeared to suffer two eclipses.” If
true this may possibly represent two separate lunar eclipses, one natural and
one caused by an unknown heavenly body.
Naturally, and more likely, if actually observed at all, it could refer
also to clouds or other more easily understood phenomena. Or else, could this language possibly give
reference to one or both of the partial solar eclipses in 54 CE preceding and
following the lunar eclipse at either end of the month? Was either one of them visible from
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
-
- - - - - Begin obsolete version - - - - - -
Conclusion:
Josephus counts Vitellius’ reign from reign from the time when Nero died (cf. above,) i.e. from Tishri 9, 52 CE [September
(21 or) 22, 52 CE (or, less likely, October 21 (or 22,) 52 CE.)]
Vitellius
died on Kislev 6, 53 CE [December 6, 53 CE.]
-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
Conclusion
re Vitellius:
Vitellius reign is recognized by Josephus as
having begun with the beginning of the Civil War on Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE] on the
anniversary of Nero’s matricide.
Vitellius died on Kislev 6
[December (24 or) 25,] 54 CE.
Upon Vitellius’ death
Domitian, the son of Vespasian, was first [briefly] celebrated as the new
Emperor of Rome.
Astronomical
correlations:
Dio is
giving reference to a comet during the reign of Vitellius as well as of a lunar
eclipse in the middle of the summer. The following event satisfies all criteria
provided
in his record:
1. The comet observation
is confirmed by recordings of the ancient Chinese astronomers who states: “This comet had a tail measuring about 5 degrees and was seen
between June 9 and July 9 of that year.” In 54 CE June 9 and July 9 are the days for the
astronomical full moons, not necessarily the duration of the observation of the
comet.
2. There was a total lunar
eclipse lasting 1 hour 46 minutes on Wednesday August 7, 54 CE at 04:36 UT, the
first visible part of the eclipse beginning at 02:38 UT (i.e. beginning at
04:59
3. From the language of
Dio’s record, which could represent a quote from a first hand observer, it
appears as though the above referenced comet may have been (?) eclipsed by the
moon on the very same day as the lunar eclipse, possibly (?) even concurrent
with the lunar eclipse. – However, I am not proposing that such a two-fold
event can be proven from Dio’s original Greek words alone!
Considerations:
For most important considerations
and references re Vespasian’s reign, please cf.
under the Wars of the Jews section!
Quoting
Tacitus:
“79. The first move to convey imperial status to Vespasian
took place at
“81. By 15 July the whole of
37… One senator
actually wheedled himself into the one-day consulship left vacant by Caecina's disgrace. This earned both donor and recipient profound
contempt. On 31 October,
Rosius Regulus entered - and resigned - office. Constitutional experts noted that never before had a
suffect magistrate(2)
been appointed without the passing of a formal act of abrogation. The shortness
of the term was not in itself a novelty, as Caninius Rebilus had been consul for one
day magistrate(3) in the dictatorship of Julius Caesar when rewards for services in the civil war were being
hurriedly distributed. (Tacitus,
Histories, Book 3 – A World Convulsed.)
“70… On the victors
they merely reflected credit. If Vitellius regretted the pact, he had no
business to launch an armed attack on Sabinus, whom he had perfidiously
tricked, or on the son of
Vespasian, who was little more than a child.(23)” (Tacitus,
Histories, Book 3 – The March on Rome.)
“3… At
“38. While this
was happening, Vespasian and Titus entered office as consuls, the former for the
second time. This was done 'in absentia'.
39. The meeting of the
senate called by the city praetor, Julius Frontinus, for 1 January passed decrees praising and thanking commanding
officers, armies and client-kings…”
51. Vespasian
had already heard about the Battle of Cremona. The news was good everywhere. Now came word of the death of Vitellius,
brought to him by the many members of the two orders (13)
who had gambled successfully on the risks of a winter passage across the
52. There is a
story that, before leaving his father, Titus appealed to him at some
length not to be incensed by a too ready acceptance of the allegations against
Domitian, but to adopt an unprejudiced and conciliatory attitude towards his
son. Neither legions nor fleets, he said, were such a sure defence to a
ruler as a numerous family. Friends were not the same thing: time, chance,
sometimes ambition or error cooled their affection, transferred it to others,
or caused it to evaporate. But a man's family was inseparable, and this was
above all true of emperors, for while their successes profited a wider circle,
their misfortunes affected above all those nearest and dearest to them. Even
brothers were unlikely to see eye to eye for ever unless their father set them
an example.
Though
Vespasian was not entirely mollified in his attitude to Domitian, he was
certainly delighted by Titus' loyalty. He told him to be of good heart, and exalt
his country by war and arms: peace and domestic matters would be his own
concern. Then he loaded his fastest ships with corn and consigned them to the
still stormy seas. (15)
The reason was that the capital was in such dire straits that not more than ten
days' supply was left in the granaries when Vespasian's shipments came to the
rescue.
81. In the
course of the months which Vespasian spent at
(Tacitus,
Histories, Book 4:38-81.)
10. However,
the Jews patiently endured their fate until Gessius
Florus became governor. (17)
During his term of office war broke out. An attempt by Cestius Gallus, governor of
11. So after
encamping, as I have said, before the walls of
But the city
occupied a commanding position, and it had been reinforced by engineering works
so massive that they might have rendered even a flat site impregnable. Two
lofty hills were enclosed by walls skilfully staggered and forming re-entrant
angles designed to expose the flank of an attacker. At the edge of the crags
was a sharp drop, and a series of towers dominated the scene, 105 feet high
where the rising ground helped, and 135 or 120 feet high on the lower contours.
(19)
These presented an impressive appearance, and to the distant observer seemed to
be on a level. There were further walls inside around the palace, and a
conspicuous landmark was the lofty
(Tacitus,
Histories, Book 5 – The Jews.)
Quoting Suetonius:
“2 Vespasian was born in the Sabine country, in a small village beyond Reate, called Falacrina,b
on the evening
of the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December, in the consulate of
Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Gaius Poppaeus Sabinus, five years before the
death of Augustus. He was brought up under the care of his
paternal grandmother Tertulla on her estates at Cosa. Therefore even after he
became emperor he used constantly to visit the home of his infancy, where the manor house was kept in its original condition,
since he did not wish to miss anything which he was wont to see there; and he
was so devoted to his grandmother's memory that on religious and festival days
he always drank from a little silver cup that had belonged to her.” (Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Vespasian, 2, p. 284.)
“Vespasianus natus est in Sabinis1
ultra Reate vico modico, cui nomen est Falacrinae,2
XV. Kal. Decb. vesperi, Q.3 Sulpicio
Camerino C. Poppaeo Sabino cons., quinquennio ante quam Augustus excederet; educatus sub
paterna avia Tertulla in praediis Cosanis.”
“the
evening of the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December..” [November
17]
“6 ![[Legamen ad paginam Latinam]](TheRegnalYearsAndDatesOfRomanEmperorsII_files/image002.gif){kind=small}
Yet
he made no move, although his followers were quite ready and even urgent, until
he was roused to it by the accidental support of men unknown to him and at a
distance. 2 Two
thousand soldiers of the three legions that made up the army in Moesia had been
sent to help Otho. When word came to them after they had
begun their march that he had been defeated and had taken his own life, they
none the less kept on as far as Aquileia, because they did not believe the
report. There, taking advantage of the lawless state of the times, they
indulged in every kind of pillage; then, fearing that if they went back, they
would have to give an account and suffer punishment, they took
it into their heads to select and appoint an emperor, saying that they were just as good as the Spanish army which had
appointed Galba, or the praetorian guard which had elected Otho, or the German
army which had chosen Vitellius. 3 Accordingly
the names of all the consular governors who were serving anywhere were taken
up, and since objection was made to the rest for one reason or another, while
some members of the third legion, which had been transferred from Syria to Moesia
just before the death of Nero, highly commended Vespasian, they unanimously agreed on
him and forthwith inscribed his name on all their banners. At the time, however, the movement was checked and the
soldiers recalled to their allegiance for a season. But when their action
became known, Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, was the first to compel his legions to take
the oath for Vespasian on the Kalends of July, the day which was afterwards
celebrated as that of his accession; then the army in Judaea swore allegiance
to him personally on the fifth day before the Ides of July.16”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Vespasian, 6, p. 296-7.)
“23…
He did not cease his jokes even when in apprehension of
death and in extreme danger; for when among other portents the Mausoleum47
opened on a sudden and a comet appeared in the
heavens, he declared that the former applied
to Junia Calvina of the family of Augustus, and the latter to the king of the
Parthians, who wore his hair long;48
and as death drew near, he said: "Woe's me. Methinks I'm turning into a
god." ” (Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Vespasian, 23, p. 319.)
“24 In his ninth consulship he had a slight illness in Campania, and
returning at once to the city, he left for Cutiliaeº and the country
about Reate, where he spent the summer every year. There, in addition to an
increase in his illness, having contracted a bowel complaint by too free use of
the cold waters, he nevertheless continued to perform his duties as emperor,
even receiving embassies as he lay in bed. Taken on a sudden with such an
attack of diarrhoea that he all but swooned, he said: "An emperor ought to
die standing," and while he was struggling to get on his feet, he died in the arms of those who
tried to help him, on the ninth day
before the Kalends of July, at the age of sixty-nine years, seven months and
seven days.e”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Vespasian, 24, p. 321.)
“VIIII. Kal. Iul.
annum agens aetatis sexagensimum ac nonum superque mensem ac diem septimum”
“the ninth day before the Kalends of July” [June 23]
Accordingly
Vespasian died on June 23, 68 CE after sunset [(Zif or) Sivan 30, 68 CE.]
“25 All agree that he had so much faith in his
own horoscope and those of his family, that even after constant conspiracies
were made against him he had the assurance to say to the senate that either his
sons would succeed him or he would have no successor. It is also said that he
once dreamed that he saw a balance with its beam on a level placed in the
middle of the vestibule of the Palace, in one pan of which stood Claudius and
Nero and in the other himself and his sons. And the dream came true, since both houses reigned for the same
space of time and the same term of years.49”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Vespasian, 25, p. 321.)
1013
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 66.17.4.
1018
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 66.17.3.
957
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 66.17.3.
958
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 66.17.2.
962
Pliny, Natural
History, 2.10.
964
Finegan, Handbook
of Biblical Chronology, revised
edition, no. 179, table 40, p. 85.
Considering
the eclipses during the Vespasian time period
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-
- - - - - End obsolete version - - - - - -
Considerations
and conclusions (bold font:)
Option
#1 and Domitian dying in 85 CE:
How
are we going to resolve this four year discrepancy between 64 and 68 CE?
Option
#2 and Domitian dying in 77 CE after coreigning with Vespasian and Titus:
Based
upon my findings re the reign of Titus, Vespasian died June 24, (66,) 67, (or
68) CE.
“2 Vespasian was born in the Sabine country, in a small village beyond Reate, called Falacrina,b
“the evening of the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December..” [November 17]
Thus
I find that Vespasian was born on November 17, 5 BCE [Heshvan
(or Kislev) 16, 5 BCE.]
“VIIII. Kal. Iul.
annum agens aetatis sexagensimum ac nonum superque mensem ac diem septimum”
“the ninth day before the Kalends of July” [June 23]
Accordingly
Vespasian died on June (23 or) 24, 66 CE.
How
long was Vespasian’s reign?
Hypothetical
count a la Josephus:
Suetonius
re Vespasian’s dream re balancing the houses of Claudius vs. Vespasian?:
- Claudius
reigned from January 24, 27 CE through October 13, 40 CE, as reckoned by
Suetonius, i.e. 13 years, eight months, and 19 days.
- Nero reigned from October 13, 40 CE, as reckoned by Suetonius, through his death about June 8, 53 CE, i.e. 12 years, seven months and 24 days.
- If
Nero’s reign is counted only until the beginning of the Civil War, i.e.
until Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,] then we have 12 years, 5 months,
and 6 days.
“Suetonius
gives the date of his death as Oct. 13 in the 14th year of his reign.984 ”
”Tacitus
agrees that Claudius died on Oct. 13.985 “
Re
Pliny’s eclipse pair and Finegan’s
list of Roman Consuls:
ii. Vespasian
was first acclaimed Emperor by Otho’s soldiers following
the death of Otho,
iii. then
by Tiberius
Alexander, governor of Egypt, on July 1, 54 CE,
§
Vespasian
died on June 24, 66 CE [Sivan
or Tammuz 11 or 12, 66 CE.]
XIII.
Titus’
reign:
“He died in the
same farmhouse16
as his father, on the Ides of September, two years two months and twenty
days after succeeding Vespasian, in the forty-second year of his age. When
his death was made known, the whole populace mourned as they would for a loss
in their own families, the senate hastened to the House before it was summoned
by proclamation, and with the doors still shut, and then with them open,
rendered such thanks to him and heaped such praise on him after death as they
had never done even when he was alive and present.”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
“the Ides of September” = “Id.
Sept.” [September 13]
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 1, p. 322-3.)
“he took the city on his daughter's birthday”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 5, p. 327.)
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 6, p. 328.)
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 8:3, p. 334.)
968
Pliny, Natural
History, 2.22.
969
Kronk, Cometography, p. 36.
970
Kronk, Cometography, p. 31.
Basing
my count on the data available for Domitian’s reign:
Further
considerations re Titus,
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
“the Ides of September” = “Id.
Sept.” [September 13]
“natus
est III. Kal. Ian.
insigni anno Gaiana nece, prope Septizonium
sordidis aedibus, cubiculo vero perparvo et obscuro, nam manet adhuc et
ostenditur.”
“He was born on the third day before the Kalends of January, in the year memorable
for the death of Gaius, in a mean house near the Septizonium1 and in a very small dark room besides; for it
still remains and is on exhibition.”
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 1, p. 322-3.)
“the
third day before the Kalends of January” [December
30]
Thus
I conclude that Titus was born December 30, 27 CE [Tebeth
(the 10th Moon) 12 or 13, 27 CE.]
§
Titus
was born December 30, 27 CE [Tebeth (the 10th Moon) 12 or 13, 27
CE.]
§
Titus
began his reign on June 24, 68 CE [Tammuz 5, 68 CE] after his father
Vespasian died.
Discarding
the presumption that Domitian’s 15 years of reign began when Titus died:
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 1, p. 322-3.)
“the
third day before the Kalends of January” [December
30]
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
“the Ides of September” = “Id.
Sept.” [September 13]
3. September
13, 69 CE (Titus was born after Caius’ death and died after his 41nd birthday,)
or
4. September
13, 70 CE (Titus was born after Caius’ death and died after his 42nd birthday.)
“5 Presently he was sent to congratulate Galba on becoming ruler of the
state, and attracted attention wherever he went, through the belief that he had
been sent for to be adopted. But observing that everything was once more in a
state of turmoil, he turned back, and visiting the oracle of the Paphian Venus,
to consult it about his voyage, he was also encouraged to hope for imperial power. 2 Soon realising his hope4 and left behind to complete the
conquest of Judaea, in the final attack on Jerusalem he slew twelve of the
defenders with as many p327arrows; and he took the city on his
daughter's birthday, so delighting the soldiers and winning their devotion that
they hailed
him as Imperator5 and detained him from time to time,
when he would leave the province, urging him with prayers and even with threats
either to stay or to take them all with him. 3 This
aroused the suspicion
that he had tried to revolt from his father and make himself king of the East;
and he strengthened this suspicion on his way to Alexandria by wearing
a diadem at the consecration of the bull Apis in Memphis, an act quite in
accord with the usual ceremonial of that ancient religion, but unfavourably
interpreted by some. Because of this he hastened to Italy, and putting in at
Regium and then at Puteoli in a transport ship, he went with all speed from
there to Rome, where as if to show that the reports about him were groundless,
he surprised his father with the greeting, "I am here, father;
I am here."
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 5-6, p. 327-8.)
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 8:3, p. 334.)
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
Conclusions re option #2 re Titus:
“Suetonius
tells us that Domitian died on Sept. 18, “in the fifteenth year of his reign.”1023 “
“Dio
plainly states that Domitian reigned for “fifteen years and five days.”1024 “
1024
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 67.18.2.
1026
RedShift 3 astronomy
software.
Option
#2 (Obsolete due to the same false presumptions as option #1 above:)
“1 Domitian was born on the ninth
day before the Kalends of November of the year when his father was consul
elect and was about to enter on the office in the following month…”
“2:3…
And from that time on
he never ceased to p345plot against his brother secretly
and openly, until Titus was seized with a dangerous illness, when Domitian
ordered that he be left for dead, before he had actually drawn his last breath.
And after his death he bestowed no honour upon him, save that of deification,
and he often assailed his memory in ambiguous phrases, both in his speeches and
in his edicts.”
“16.
.. Then he asked
the time, and by pre-arrangement the sixth hour was announced to him, instead
of the fifth, which he feared. Filled with joy at this, and believing all danger now
past, he was hastening to the bath, when his chamberlain Parthenius changed his
purpose by announcing that someone had called about a matter of great moment p377and
would not be put off. Then he dismissed all his attendants and went to his bedroom, where he was
slain.”
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
“16 Pridie quam
periret, cum oblatos tubures servari iussisset in crastinum, adiecit: "Si
modo uti licuerit," et conversus ad proximos affirmavit fore ut sequenti die luna se in aquario cruentaret
factumque aliquod exsisteret, de quo loquerentur homines per terrarum orbem.”
(C. Suetonii
Tranquilli, De Vita XII Caesarum, Domitianus.)
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve
Caesars, The Life of Domitian.)
Footnote e [based upon conventional 96 CE dating:]
(C. Suetonii
Tranquilli, De Vita XII Caesarum, Domitianus.)
(C. Suetonius
Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
So
if “XIIII” would have been a “X…” or “XI. Kal. Octb.” there would have been no
problem… but that’s looking for a problem outside of myself… Is there another
year that would fit? Reviewing
the Swiss ephemeris charts from 75 CE
through 96 CE I find only three years in which the moon is in Aquarius
on September 18. Those years are 77 CE, 85 CE, and 96 CE. Actually Sunday
September 18, 85 CE is a perfect fit with the moon entering Aquarius in the mid
morning being about 2.7 degrees into Aquarius at 10:30 AM. Could 85 CE be the
correct year for this event? For this to be consistent with Suetonius’ work I
would have to consistently interpret Suetonius’ statements re age as though the
14th year of life was the year following his 14th
birthday etc., i.e. as though the statement “He [re Britannicus, Claudius’ son]
was 14 years old” means exactly the same as “He was in his 14th year.”
Though technically and linguistically incorrect I have good evidence for this
being a very common practice, albeit technically incorrect, in everyday usage
in more than one country and in more than one language, e.g. English, Swedish,
Spanish, and here Latin. Considering carefully Suetonius’ use of numbers and of
ordinal numbers in particular I do not find that Suetonius is using ordinal
number in a precise manner, and that, more often than not, he is instead
referencing the year following the nth year of age as the year
following the nth birthday.
Occisus
est XIIII. Kal. Octb. anno aetatis quadragensimo quinto, imperii quinto decimo.
(C. Suetonii Tranquilli, De Vita XII Caesarum, Domitianus.)
(C. Suetonius
Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
“4 In the reign of Claudius he was sent in command of a legion to
Germany, through the influence of Narcissus; from there he was transferred to
Britain,9
where he fought thirty battles with the enemy. He reduced to subjection two
powerful nations, more than twenty towns, and the island of Vectis,10
near Britain, partly under the leadership of Aulus Plautius, the consular governor, and partly under that of Claudius
himself. 2 For this he received the triumphal regalia, and
shortly after two priesthoods, besides the
consulship, which he held for the last two months of the year. The rest of the time up to his proconsulate he spent in rest and
retirement, through fear of Agrippina, who still had a strong influence over
her son and hated any friend of Narcissus, even after the latter's death.
“8 Returning to Rome under such auspices and attended by so great renown,
after celebrating a triumph over the Jews, he
added eight consulships to his former one; he also assumed the censorship and during the whole period of his rule
he considered nothing more essential than first to strengthen the State, which
was tottering and almost overthrown, and then to embellish it as well.
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve
Caesars, The Life of Vespasian)
These
passages makes it clear that:
When did Domitian
begin his reign?:
Titus,
Domitian’s brother and his predecessor on the throne of Rome…
“died
in the same farmhouse as his father, on the Ides
of September…”
[September 13.]
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
(C. Suetonius
Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
“Dio
plainly states that Domitian reigned for “fifteen years and five days.”1024 “
(Ronald
L. Conte Jr., 1024
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 67.18.2.)
1.
If
true, then when was Domitian born?
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The
Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The
Life of Domitian)
“The ninth day
before the Kalends of November”
== October 24
Occisus
est XIIII. Kal. Octb. anno
aetatis quadragensimo quinto, imperii quinto decimo.
(C. Suetonii Tranquilli, De Vita XII Caesarum, Domitianus.)
(C. Suetonius
Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
(C. Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve
Caesars, The Life of Vespasian)
These
passages makes it clear that:
2.
If
true, then when began Domitian’s reign?
Titus,
Domitian’s brother and his predecessor on the throne of Rome…
“died
in the same farmhouse as his father, on the Ides of September…”
[September 13.]
(Suetonius,
The Lives of the Caesars, The Life of Titus, 11, p. 339.)
(C. Suetonius
Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, The Life of Domitian)
“Dio
plainly states that Domitian reigned for “fifteen years and five days.”1024 “
(Ronald
L. Conte Jr., 1024
Dio, Roman
History, Volume VIII, Loeb Classical
Library, 67.18.2.)
Conclusions
re option #4 Domitian:
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