Without recourse. All
Rights Reserved. Tree of Life©
Statement of
belief: “Sanctify them through thy
truth: thy word is truth.” (John 17:17 KJV)
Updated
5928± 08 06 2024 [2007-10-19]
Updated 5925[(*??*)] 02 29 2029 [2013-06-09] – Added three N.B.
under Re Father Dis sacrifices, and a
sentence w. footnote re a Jewish
type reckoning.
The War and the Destruction of
Abstract:
Once
the year of the Passover of Crucifixion is established it becomes a relatively
easy matter to place many other events more or less firmly in time. Under the guidance of Yahweh and based upon
an 18 CE crucifixion,
and/or upon 18± celestial
events dated using astronomical tables, a number of New Testament events, various rulers over Israel
and Judae, the War and the Destruction of Jerusalem, and also the Regnal Years and Dates of
all Roman Emperors from Julius Caesar through Caesar Domitian, have been
identified and dated.
The
best evidence available to me indicates that the destruction of Jerusalem was
completed on the Fifth Day of the week and in the Eighth Day of the Sixth Moon,
Elul 8, 55 CE [Thursday August 21, 55 CE.]
Key to my understanding
of the time references used by Josephus is:
1.
A visible crescent of the moon defining each New Moon;
2.
Josephus, not any particular ruler, culture, or country, determines
what calendar and what rules he is using to designate time, however it should
be emphasized that Josephus is using the little known biblical principles for
dating;
3.
Josephus is using accession periods, e.g. accession year, accession
months, etc., i.e. the first year counted, in whichever direction, of any time
period, reign, etc., starts at the beginning of the next calendar year,
calendar month, etc., whether civil or sacred;
4.
a difference in the wording used, e.g. “in” or “after”, may define
whether or not an inclusive count is used, but these items may not always be
reliably translated;
5.
Josephus is dating events using a “civil year calendar” Tishri (1 or
more probably) 22 through (Elul or more probably Tishri 21) for events when a
country is in relative peace with itself, but he is using a sacred calendar for
dating events during he has defined as [civil] war;
6.
Josephus is always very precise in his time statements;
7.
Josephus is recording Jewish history even while apparently recording
Roman history, e.g. when giving the history of Roman emperors who are in
control of
8.
Truth is claimed by Josephus as being of highest priority re his books.
The
complete details of my study “The War and the Destruction of Jerusalem” is
found below under this initial very brief summary of my results:
Brief
summary:
The War and the
Destruction of
- The war began in Artemisius [Jyar,] 51 CE [Between May 30 and June 28, 51 CE.]
- The Temple in Jerusalem was ignited and burnt
on the Seventh Day of the week Av 12, 55 CE
[Saturday July 26, 55 CE.]
- “AND thus was Jerusalem taken, in the second year of the reign of Vespasian,
on the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul,]”which day was the Fifth
Day of the week, Elul 8, 55 CE [Thursday
August 21, 55 CE.]
The
War and the Destruction of
Quoting Josephus - while emphasizing some key statements within the
text of Josephus primarily, and while also interspersing some comments
- especially re the dates given by Josephus and the corresponding dates as
given by way of other calendars in use today
[Gregorian and/or Julian calendars:]
“THE
GREAT DISTRESS THE JEWS WERE IN UPON THE CONFLAGRATION OF THE HOLY HOUSE. CONCERNING A FALSE PROPHET, AND THE SIGNS THAT PRECEDED THIS
DESTRUCTION.
“But before Caesar had determined any thing about these
people, or given the commanders any orders relating to them, the soldiers were
in such a rage, that they set that cloister on fire; by which means it came to
pass that some of these were destroyed by throwing themselves down headlong,
and some were burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did any one of them escape
with his life. A false prophet (19) was the
occasion of these people's destruction, who had made a public proclamation in
the city that very day, that God commanded them to get upon the temple, and
that there they should receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. Now there
was then a great number of false prophets suborned by the tyrants to impose on
the people, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance
from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they
might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. Now a man that is in adversity
does easily comply with such promises; for when such a seducer makes him
believe that he shall be delivered from those miseries which oppress him, then
it is that the patient is full of hopes of such his deliverance.
“3. Thus were the miserable
people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while
they did not attend nor give credit to the signs
that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future
desolation, but, like men infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to
consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. Thus there
was a star resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that
continued a whole year.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:5:Title, 2, & 3.
Quoting Ronald L.
Conte Jr.:
“Comets are not generally visible to the naked eye for
an entire year; the longest period of time that any comet would be visible is
several months. Perhaps the star appeared for a whole year (the sighting
of a nova, or new star, is not too rare an event), or perhaps the star and the
comet together took up about a year. In any case, the exact time of this
comet’s appearance is not clear from the text.
“In… A.D. 51 [through] A.D.
56. There are a number of comets mentioned in the records of the ancient
astronomers during these years.1147”
(Ronald L. Conte Jr.,
Important Dates in the Lives of Jesus and Mary.)
1147 Kronk, Cometography, p. 29-30. Dates for comets mentioned: Feb.
27 - Mar. 27 of A.D. 54, June 9 - July 9 of A.D. 54. These dates ranges
are from new moon to new moon [probably astronomical vs.
“But, what is still more terrible, there was one
Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four
years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very
great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom
for every one to make tabernacles to God in the temple, (23) began on a
sudden to cry aloud, "A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a
voice from the four winds, a voice against
Clearly this quote
represents a most valuable time reference provided us by Josephus. But are we
prepared to understand it correctly?:
Let’s now proceed upon the
basis arrived at for the beginning of the war,
i.e. Iyar, 51 CE. “…four years before the war began” [One civil year
before referencing the year beginning Tishri 1/22, 49 CE; 2nd civil
year beginning Tishri 1/22, 48 CE; 3rd civil year beginning Tishri
1/22, 47; and 4th civil year before beginning Tishri 1/22, 46 CE;
OR: One sacred year before referencing the sacred year beginning Aviv 1, 50 CE
; 2nd sacred year beginning
Aviv 1, 49CE; 3rd sacred year beginning Aviv 1, 48 CE; 4th
sacred year beginning Aviv 1, 47 CE] brings us to the
beginning of Aviv 1, 47 CE or else Tishri 1/22, 46 CE. “…that feast
whereon it is our custom for every one to make tabernacles to God”
brings us to the middle of Tishri in the fall of 46 CE, i.e. provided Tishri 22
is used for the end of the year in accord with biblical reckoning (If Tishri 1
were to be used we’d be forced to date the event to 45 CE.) The words “….Albinus (for he was then our procurator)”
provides
for us here a valuable point of reference in time re the changeover between
Festus and Albinus, i.e. provided that this reference to Albinus points to
said Feast of Tabernacles when this Jesus first began his shouting - not one or
several years later - I find that Albinus began his reign before the middle of
Tishri 46 CE.
Lastly, the words “…he
continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing
hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his
presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege” provides for us, albeit not
necessarily in an easy or straightforward way recognized by the uninitiated,
the year of the Destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple, i.e. counting seven
full years starting at the beginning of Aviv 1, 47, brings me to Aviv 1, 54 CE,
and adding five full months I arrive at the beginning of Elul 1, 54 CE. Thus
apparently “Jesus, the son of Ananus”was
killed on Elul 1, 54 CE [Thursday
Further, and based upon
the detailed dating below, especially upon the calculations pertaining to Nero
and his successors, I find that the words “four years before” do not at first
appear to be full years, and thus I also must consider whether a
better translation of the corresponding Greek words is called for, e.g. “in the
fourth year before...” or…
How are time spans covering both sacred and civil
years being reckoned by Josephus?:
Although further study
of the Greek text, or if a Hebrew text were to be still extant and available, might
reveal further insight, perhaps in the meantime the following consideration may
suffice?: What is the answer to the problem of reckoning a time span that
covers two different calendars, e.g. the civil vs. the sacred Hebrew calendars?
Is it possible that Josephus is here providing us an example of such a problem
and its solution? Is he counting four full civil years before the war began and
then three full sacred years after the war began, thus ending up with a total
of “seven years and five months?” That would leave two rather long “accession
periods” in the middle of this “seven year” time span, i.e. the civil year
reverse access period covering Tishri 1/22, 50 CE to Iyar, 51 CE; plus the
sacred year forward access period covering Iyar, 51 CE through Adar, 52 CE;
i.e. altogether about a year and a half. This may seem strange, but on the
other hand, What other solutions are possible while consistent also with
Josephus’ way of reckoning things? (Cf. discussion elsewhere.)
[Considerations
pertaining to 54 CE destruction of
The “five months” can only
pertain to the month of the
Nero’s 11th [sacred
calendar] year; first half;
Nero’s
11th [civil
calendar] year; second half; and
Aviv 1, 50 CE thru Elul, 50
CE [March 13, 50 CE or April 12 thru September 6 or October 5 or 6, 50 CE:]
Nero’s 11th
[sacred calendar] year; second half;
Nero’s 12th
[civil calendar] year; first half; and
Tishri 1, 50 CE thru Adar,
51 CE [September 7 or October 6 or 7, 50 CE thru April 30, 51 CE:]
Nero’s 12th
[sacred calendar] year; first half ;
Nero’s 12th
[civil calendar] year; second half; and
Aviv 1, 51 CE thru Elul, 51 CE [May 1, 51 CE thru October 25, 51 CE:]
“Now this war began
in the
second year of the
government of Florus, and the
twelfth year of the reign of
Nero.” Josephus,
Antiquties, XX:11:1 (20.257.)
Notice: Here
Josephus is clearly using a sacred
year calendar even within his works Antiquities!
“4. Now at this time it
happened that the Grecians at Cesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had
obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial
determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year
of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of
Agrippa, in the month of Artemisins [Jyar.]” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4 (2.284.)
Notice: Here
Josephus is clearly using a civil
year calendar even within his works The
Wars of the Jews!
Artemisius [Jyar,] 51 CE [Between sunset Saturday May 29 and Monday June 28, 51
CE.]
The year 51 CE is
arrived at in a step by step process building upon correlations between
recordings of celestial events correlated with precise astronomical
computations such as solar and lunar eclipses and most importantly phases of
the moon in relationship to the months as reported by Josephus. Thus beginning
with events in the New Testament and also the recordings of Josephus, Suetonius
and Tacitus re the 12 Caesars of Rome and their subordinates I have been able
to trace the exact reign of each of the Caesars beginning with Julius. Nero’s
reign turned out to be a tricky study, but eventually I was made to realize
that Josephus is basing the end of Nero’s reign, not on his death, but on the
beginning of the civil war, i.e. when Nero first heard of the insurrection in
The details of the above
quoted time references are most important to our chronology! Cf. Nero’s
reign:
Notice: “the
seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa” is concurrent with the 12th
civil year of Nero, and if this same year starts with Tishri 1, 50 CE, then the
1st year of the reign of this Agrippa must start with Tishri 1, 34
CE, and Agrippa’s accession should be found within the civil year beginning
Tishri 1, 33 CE.]
Notice: If “…this war began in the second
year of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of
the reign of Nero,” then, according to the
above, Josephus is using a sacred year calendar for this particular statement.
Accordingly, if this same sacred year starts with Aviv 1, 51 CE, then the 1st
sacred year of the reign of “the government of Florus” must start with Aviv 1,
50 CE, and Florus’ accession should be found within the sacred year beginning
Aviv 1, 49 CE.]
Notice: Because
Josephus is not saying anything in the above quote about whether or not this
same point in time, i.e. when “this war began,” is also Florus’ 2nd
civil year of reign, I cannot tell which civil year of Florus it is. It could
be Florus’ 1st civil year of reign, just as it is necessarily Nero’s
11th year of reign.
Nero’s 12th (Vespasian’s accession as
Syrian commander) [sacred calendar] year; second half;
Nero’s 13th (Vespasian’s accession as
Syrian commander) [civil calendar] year; first half; and
Tishri 1, 51 CE thru Adar, 52 CE [October 26, 51 CE thru March 20 (or 21,)
52 CE:]
“1. AND now Gallus, seeing
nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his
army to Cesarea: but Cestius removed with his whole army, and marched to
Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish
forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before
to fight them; but this party dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it
came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it,
as well as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from
Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole
multitude (28) were gone up to
Jerusalem to the feast of
tabernacles; yet did he destroy
fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched
forwards; and ascending by Betboron, he pitched his camp at a certain place
called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem.
“2. But as for the Jews,
when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left
the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from
their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a
great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day,
although the Sabbath (29) was the day to
which they had the greatest regard; but that rage which made them forget the
religious observation [of the sabbath] made them too hard for their enemies in
the fight: with such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to
break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great
slaughter as they went, insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the
footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored
that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army,
had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain,
of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen, while the
Jews lost only twenty-two…” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:19:1-2.
“4. But now Cestius,
observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a
proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put
the Jews to flight, and pursued them to
Tishri 30, 50 CE [Wednesday
November 4, 50 CE.] (New moon Monday October 5, 50 CE most likely event and
also Aviv 1 on April 12, 50 CE most likely event.)
Tishri 30, 51 CE
[Wednesday November 24, 51 CE.]
(New moon Monday October 25, 51 CE not unlikely and also Aviv 1 on May 1, 51 CE not unlikely
event.)
It follows from this being
the actual year that these dates are all the actual dates, e.g. Aviv 1 is
defined as is then also Iyar and the beginning of the war.
“So the Jews went on pursuing
the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake
them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies, and
gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back
running and singing to their metropolis; while they had
themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three
hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius,
[Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, II:19:9 (2.555.)
The Sacred Year
Basis for the Reigns of
Various Rulers by Josephus
The above time references of Josephus,
“Artemisins [Jyar]”(the 2nd biblical month) and then “Dius,
[Marchesvan,]” (the 8th biblical month) both in “the twelfth year of
the reign of Nero” constitute the basis for my discovery that Josephus
apparently is using the sacred year when reckoning the reigns of various rulers
during the War of the Jews:
NOTICE: There is an apparent discrepancy of Josephus’ here: If
we are looking at a civil year, Nero’s 12th year, then Marcheswan
(Heshvan) comes before, not after Artemisius [Jyar}, when “at the same time
began the war.” What’s the basis for this apparent error? Is Josephus’ dating wrong? Or were these acts
of war preceding the official start of the war in Ijar? Are the passages of
Josephus’ out of order? Are we misunderstanding something here? From the
content of the passage, as well as from the placing of the passage within
Josephus’ books, I would perceive this dilemma as most likely either an error
on Josephus’ part, such that “Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year” should
be corrected to “Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the thirteenth year,” or else that I am
making some faulty assumption re the end and the beginning of the year as here
referenced by Josephus.
I have not found, in his
books Antiquities of the Jews, any reference by Josephus to a month specified
in terms of the Macedonian calendar [searching Books XI thru XX for “[“.] In contradistinction, in his books War of the
Jews, Josephus is frequently using the names of the months as given in the
Macedonian calendar. Why this difference?
And why does he not use the Hebrew names for the months? Is he using those
names because he is using the Macedonian calendar, or because he wants his
works to be written consistently in the Greek language, including also the name
of the months? May I suggest that, because we are dealing, in the War of the
Jews, primarily with that most sacred object of the Jews, the Temple in
Jerusalem as well as with Jerusalem, the Holy City, itself, and perhaps most of
all because while being in a state of war against the Roman empire the Jews are no
longer under Roman law and Roman reckoning of time, Josephus is using, albeit
not consistently,
in War of the Jews, and occasionally in Antiquities, when referencing an event
within the time period of the War of the Jews, the Sacred Calendar year,
from Aviv thru Adar, rather than the Civil Calendar year, from Tishri thru
Elul? By this rather subtle difference
between these two sets of references, Josephus is pointing out a rather
dramatic difference re his references to time! No doubt, this topic would
benefit from a deeper study into exactly how and when Josephus us using one
reference or the other!
[If you have any further
insight on this please email me at TreeOfLifeTime@gmail.com
!]
“1.
WHEN Nero was informed of the Romans' ill success in Judea, a
concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him;
although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, and said that what had
happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor
of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the
whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to
have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the
disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in
[how to recover his affairs again].
“2. And as he was
deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was
in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for
their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the
neighboring nations also, - he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task “
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, III:1:1,2.
“Upon the whole, he
[Nero] sent this man [Vespasian] to take upon him the command of the armies
that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering
compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into
complaisance.“ Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, III:1:3.
Nero’s 13th (Vespasian’s 1st
as Syrian commander) [sacred calendar] year; first half ;
Nero’s 13th (Vespasian’s accession as
Syrian commander) [civil calendar] year; second half; and
Aviv 1, 52 CE thru Elul, 52
CE [March 21 (or 22,) 52 CE thru September 12 or 13, 52 CE:]
“3.
Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten
intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that
it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he
sent both foot-men and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and
rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely
impracticable for horsemen. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about
in four days' time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth
day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, (Jyar,)
Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and
raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this good
news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him
make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all
Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. So he took
this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about
by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of
all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure
custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a
decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to
encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, III:7:3.
“So Vespasian gave order
that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt
down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of
Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, III:
Notice that
this date “the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero,” is consistent with
Josephus’ use of sacred years for this period of time, which time was a time
when the Jews were acting as a sovereign nation outside of the
“These prisoners were taken
on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul]” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, III:
Nero’s 13th (Vespasian’s 1st
as Syrian commander) [sacred calendar] year; second half;
Nero’s 14th (Vespasian’s 1st
as Syrian commander) [civil calendar] year; first half; and
Tishri 1, 52 CE thru Adar, 53 CE [September 13 or 14, 52 CE thru March 10,
53 CE:]
Nero’s 14th,
Galba’s, Otho’s, Vitellius’, & Vespasian’s accession (Vespasian’s 2nd
as Syrian commander) [sacred calendar] year; first half ;
Nero’s 14th, Galba’s,
Otho’s, Vitellius’, & Vespasian’s accession (Vespasian’s 1st
as Syrian commander) [civil calendar] year; second half; and
Aviv 1, 53 CE thru Elul, 53 CE [March 11, 53 CE thru September 2, 53 CE:]
“2.
Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his
army to march directly to
Galba’s, Otho’s,
Vitellius’, & Vespasian’s accession (Vespasian’s 2nd as Syrian commander) [sacred
calendar] year; second half;
Galba’s, Otho’s,
Vitellius’, & Vespasian’s 1st (Vespasian’s 2nd as Syrian
commander) [civil calendar] year; first half; and
Tishri 1, 53 CE thru Adar III, 54 CE
[September 3, 53 CE thru April 27, 54 CE:]
“…and
how he [Galba] was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain
[pre-view into the future by Josephus] by treachery in the middle of the
market-place at Rome, and Otho was made emperor; …however, he [Vespasian] sent his son
Titus to him [Galba], to salute him, and to receive his commands about the
Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus
to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of
Achaia, for it
was winter time, they heard
that Galba was
slain, before they could get to
him, after he had reigned
seven months and as many days.
After whom Otho took the government … ” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
IV:9:2 (4. 491.)
Otho at the time of his
ascension to emperor and revolt against Galba: “Seven months only have passed
since Nero
fell…” Tacitus, The History, 1:37
“XLIX. The body of Galba
lay for a long time neglected, and subjected, through the license which the
darkness permitted, to a thousand indignities, till Argius
his steward, who had been one of his slaves, gave it a humble burial in his
master's private gardens. His head, which the sutlers and camp-followers had
fixed on a pole and mangled, was found only the next day in front of the tomb
of Patrobius,
a freedman of Nero's, whom Galba
had executed. It was put with the body, which had by that time been reduced to
ashes. Such was the end of Servius
Galba,
who in his seventy-three years had lived prosperously through the reigns of five
Emperors…” Tacitus, The History, 1:49
Re the length of Galba’s
reign: Adding
“seven months” unto the end of Aviv, 53 CE, i.e. the month of Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,], when Nero first “heard
of the insurrection in Gaul, on the anniversary of the day on which he killed
his mother,” i.e. at the beginning of the Civil War, brings us to the beginning of the Ninth moon, i.e.
Kislev 1, 53 CE. After adding “as many days” I find that, per this calculation,
Galba would have died on Kislev 8, 53 CE [November 8, 53 CE.] Obviously this
agrees perfectly with Josephus statement
that “it was
winter time.”
However, a more perfect
agreement between Josephus, Suetonius, and Tacitus may be arrived at after a
comparison of Suetonius’
and Tacitus’ statements re these chronological issues. Said statements
makes it quite clear that Galba died on the evening of January 15/16 and that
Suetonius counts each day beginning at sunset while Tacitus counts days
beginning with midnight. It so happens that the only years between 46 and 83 CE
when the 8th lunar day (cf. Josephus’ words “seven months and as
many days”) may coincide with January 15/16 is 53 CE and 64 CE. The problem is
that if indeed Galba died January 15/16, 53 CE then he did so while Nero was
still reigning, or else our prior considerations re Nero are somehow in error.
But Tacitus’ quote of Otho makes it quite clear that Nero had been dead “barely
seven month” at the time he got Galba murdered. Counting backwards seven months
from January 15 brings us to some time after June 15th by an exact
count, or else to sometime in June or July. Recalling that Josephus is counting
Augustus’ reign using a reverse count, could it be that he does this because
Augustus was the first in a line of rulers, i.e. the root of the tree of which
Nero was the last and the top? If so perhaps he is using the same method with
these new Caesar sprouts, i.e. Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian? Thusly
counting backwards seven new moons from the December 29/30, 53 CE New Moon I
arrive at the June 6, 53 CE New Moon. Seven full days prior to the sunset of
June 6 brings me to the sunset May 30, 53 CE and thus also May 30 beginning at
sunset May 29, 53 CE. However, that date does not agree perfectly with Otho’s
statement “barely seven months.” Thus, a reverse count by Josephus seems to be
ruled out here. Let’s thus consider whether Josephus’ words “after he had reigned” fits the date when Piso was in effect made the heir
of the
Suetonius records re the
death of Galba:
“To begin with [Otho]
confided in five of his personal guards… His first plan was to occupy the
Guards’ Camp immediately after Piso’s adoption, and to capture Galba during
dinner at the Palace. But he… delayed matters another five days. However
on the morning of the sixth, Otho posted his fellow-conspirators in the Forum…
his companions hoisted him on their shoulders and acclaimed him Emperor. The
street crowds joined the procession as eagerly as if they were sworn accomplices,
and Otho reached his headquarters to the sound of huzzas and the flash of drawn
swords. He then dispatched a troop of cavalry to murder
Galba and Piso… Towards evening Otho delivered a brief speech to the
Senate claiming to have been picked up in the street and compelled to accept
the Imperial power, but promising to respect the people’s sovereign will. Hence
he proceeded to the Palace, where he received fulsome congratulations and
flattery from all present, making no protest…”
“The morning of the sixth
[day]” must necessarily reference January 15 as recorded by Tacitus.
Accordingly the first of these six days is January 10 beginning at sunset
January 9th [53 CE.] Accordingly the adoption of Piso took place on
January 9th sometime after sunset January 8, 53 CE.
Considering Suetonius’
statement “Otho… accomplishing his object, six days after the adoption” I find that Galba’s adoption of Piso took place
after sunset January 8, 54 CE. The 8th day of that lunar month fell
on January 7 or 8, 54 CE. That is a perfect fit, and if that is correct, then
Josephus based his count of Galba’s reign upon an event that occurred between
sunset May 7 and sunset June 6, 53 CE. Considering also Tacitus’ quote of Otho
we may further diminish this window such that Josephus’ based Galba’s reign
upon an event that occurred between sunset May 31, 53 CE and sunset June 6, 53
CE. But that date seems to agree quite
well with the following statements of Suetonius and as well with Nero’s death
as calculated
elsewhere:
“9… He was holding a court of justice on the circuit
at New Carthage, when he received intelligence of the insurrection in Gaul; and
while the lieutenant of Aquitania was soliciting his assistance, letters were
brought from Vindex, requesting him " to assert the rights of mankind, and
put himself at their head to relieve them from the tyranny of Nero."
Without any long demur, he accepted the invitation, from a mixture of fear and
hope. For he had discovered that
private orders had been sent by Nero to his procurators in the province to get
him dispatched; and he was encouraged to the enterprise, as well by several
auspices and omens, as by the prophecy of a young woman of good family…” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson): 7, IX.)
“XI. These dangers were
followed by the death of Vindex, at which being extremely discouraged, as if
fortune had quite forsaken him, he had thoughts of putting an end to his own
life; but receiving advice by his messengers from Rome that Nero was
slain, and that all had taken an oath to him as emperor, he laid aside the title of lieutenant, and
took upon him that of Caesar.
Putting himself upon his march in his general's cloak, and a dagger hanging
from his neck before his breast, he did not resume the use of the toga. until
Nymphidius Sabinus, prefect of the pretorian guards at
Notice also Josephus’ words
“in the mean time Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deasius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of
Conclusions re Galba and Piso:
Galba began his reign as Caesar
of Rome when, sometime between June 1 and June 6, 53 CE [between Sivan 24 and
30, 53 CE,] he received the “advice… from
Galba died after sunset on
January 15, 54 CE [Day 15 in the 11th Moon, Shevat 15, 54 CE,] but Josephus
counts Galba’s reign as ending on January 8, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE] when…
Piso was adopted as Galba’s
son on January 8, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE.]
Piso was killed before
sunset January 15, 54 CE [Day 14 in the 11th Moon, Shevat 14, 54
CE.]
“…with his [Otho’s] expedition against the commanders of
Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there
were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol…they heard
that Galba was
slain, before they could get to
him, after he had reigned seven
months and as many days. After
whom Otho took the government, and undertook the
management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any
terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a Divine
impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to
Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about the
public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did
not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any
attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they
were in for their own country.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
IV:9:2 (4. 491.)
“9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed,
not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain
in the midst of the Roman market-place; then was Otho made emperor,
and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for
the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave battle to Valens and
Cecinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the
advantage on the first day, but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the
victory; and after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs
three months and two days. (18) Otho's
army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to
More re the
timing of the reigns and the deaths of Otho, and Vitellius:
…and re a subsequent event:
“Otho set gaily out on his campaign… 24 March,
the day when the worshippers of the Goddess Cybele began their annual
lamentation.” (Gaius
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars, translated by Robert Graves, London,
The Folio Society, MCMLXIV, p. 261-3.)
“Otho's army
also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to
“Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at
Brixia, and after he had
managed the public affairs three months and two days. Otho's
army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to
Josephus’ words “in the mean time,” i.e. while Otho was yet managing
“the public affairs” and “he came himself down to Rome…” makes it clear that
Otho was still alive and active on Sivan 5 when “Vespasian removed from
Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deasius, [Sivan] and marched against those places of Judea which were
not yet overthrown.” Obviously the time period from Shevat 15 [the 11th
Moon; January 16,] 54 CE until Aviv 1, 54 CE [April 28, 54 CE] cannot include
“three months and two days” as reckoned by Josephus. If we were to use a civil
year, then adding “three months” would include Adar I, Adar II, and Adar III,
but not Aviv considering that Aviv 53 CE is fixed by the matricide anniversary
date and that Aviv 1 was delayed until April 28 (or 29,) 54 CE (cf. Vitellius
death on Kislev 6, the Ninth Moon [December (24
or) 25,] 54 CE! ) Also Aviv 3, 54 CE precedes “the fifth day of the month
Deasius, [Sivan,]” when, per Josephus’ record above, Otho was still alive.
Therefore, we may confirm that indeed Josephus is using a sacred year
accounting at this point and also that said time period before Aviv 1, 54 CE
must be considered [a part of] Otho’s accession period. The “three months and
two days” must then be counted from the beginning of Aviv 1, 54 CE.
Accordingly, adding “three months” to Aviv 1, 54 CE we reach the beginning of
Tammuz 1, and adding “two days” we reach the beginning of Tammuz 3, the
Third Day of the Fourth Moon, 54 CE [ July 27, 54 CE.] The date
provided by Suetonius, “24 March,” agrees with this and does not affect the
above considerations re an Adar II and III. No doubt it is quite possible for
the aviv not to ripen until after April 1, as happened also in
51 CE, I was not aware before this of anyone ever adding an Adar III, a 14th
month of the year, but these records makes it quite clear that such was indeed the
case. This is also in agreement with the ancient usage of not even counting the
winter moons after the end of the agricultural year... Cf. also “the feast of
ingathering, which is in the end of the year” and “the first month of the year.”
“He then gave orders that no
violence should be offered to any one; and keeping his chamber-door open until
late at night, he allowed all who pleased the liberty to come and see him. At
last, after quenching his thirst with a draught of cold water, he took up two
poniards, and having examined the points of both, put one of them under his
pillow, and shutting his chamber-door, slept very soundly, until, awaking
about break of day, he stabbed himself under the left pap. Some persons
bursting into the room upon his first groan, he at one time covered, and at
another exposed his wound to the view of the bystanders, and thus life
soon ebbed away. His funeral was hastily
performed, according to his own order, in the thirty-eighth year of his
age, and ninety-fifth day of his reign.” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS, A. SALVIUS OTHO:XI)
Apparently, Suetonius is here using the Jewish convention of dating,
perhaps thus influenced by his studies under a Jewish teacher. Counting the
days beginning with Aviv 1, 54 [April 28, 54 CE] I find that counting 3 days in
April, 31 days in May, 30 days in June, 31 days in July, I arrive at the
beginning of Otho’s 95th day at sunset July 30, 54 CE.
July 31st being the 4th day after Otho’s death this is
indeed a hastily performed funeral as provided by Suetonius above.
However, considering the fact of Vespasian’s acceptance of the armies
swearing allegiance to him as Emperor on July 1 and 11 sometime subsequent to
Otho’s defeat and suicide it is clearly impossible that Otho’s suicide could
have occurred on July 27 of the same year. Accordingly we must find an
alternate solution.
If, then, one would count 95 days, as provided by Suetonius for Otho’s
reign, beginning with Roman inclusive reckoning on January 15, when Galba died,
I find 17 days in January, 28 days in February, 31 days in March, and 19 days
in April, thus making April 19, 54 Otho’s
funeral day. This agrees well with Tacitus’ statement re the timing
of Otho’s death:
“55. At
If I do a like 95 day count
beginning with the adoption of Piso on January 8 [Sivan 8, 54 CE] I arrive at
April 12, 54 CE. However, this latter count does not seem characteristic for
Suetonius, I believe.
However, counting it that
way I initially find no agreement with Josephus. Nevertheless, why is Josephus
using the words “managed
the public affairs” rather then “reigned” in his statement:
“Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat
at Brixia, and after he
had managed the public affairs three months and two days.”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:9:9.
Considering that Otho “entered the
senate… to assume the
imperial authority” and “About the same time, the armies in Germany took an oath
to Vitellius as emperor…”it
only makes sense, considering also Josephus’ reckoning of Nero’s reign, to
accept that Josephus didn’t give credit to Otho for ever having “reigned” Rome,
doesn’t it?! Accordingly, perhaps this could be the reason for Josephus not
using accession periods and/or other conventions here as he usually does when
dating reigns, age of life, etc.??
Could it be that I have
misunderstood Josephus’ statement “in the mean time”
above? It becomes obvious that said words are in reference to “he,” i.e.
Vitellius, in “he came himself down to
“VIII. About the same time, the armies in
“et die,
quo cultores deum Matris lamentari et plangere
incipiunt, praeterea aduersissimis auspiciis. nam et uictima Diti
patri caesa litauit, cum tali
sacrificio contraria exta potiora sint…” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, De Vita Caesarum (ed. Maximilian Ihm):Otho.)
[“These Ancilia were preserved in the
[“The Ancile, in ancient
[“In Greek and Roman mythology, a palladium was an image of immemorial antiquity on which the
safety of a city was said to depend, especially the one that
Odysseus and Diomedes stole from the citadel of
[“The Aeneid (IPA English pronunciation: in
Latin Aeneis, pronounced [aɪˈne.ɪs] — the title is
Greek in form: genitive case Aeneidos) is a Latin epic written by Virgil
in the 1st century BC (between 29 and 19 BC) that tells the legendary story of
Aeneas, a Trojan who travelled to Italy, where he became the ancestor of the
Romans.” (Wikipedia.)
[Re the festival of “the Mother of the gods,” aka
“Cybele:” “The day on which this event took place, 12 April, was observed
afterwards as a festival, the Megalesian.[3]”
(Wikipedia.)
1.
“Dis Pater: Dis Pater was commonly shortened to simply Dis… Sacrifices
were offered to this altar during the Ludi Saeculares or Ludi Tarentini.” (Wikipedia.)
·
Nota bene: It occurs
to me that the term “This State…” etc. is frequently being used within codes of
law such as California Law. I notice that “this State” is an idem sonare
of “Dis’ State,” that is, “Dis Pater’s State.”
2.
“According
to Roman mythology, Dis Pater
(alternatively Dispater or simply Dis) was a god
of Hades, the
Roman underworld,
later subsumed by Pluto. Every
hundred years, a festival called the Ludi Tarentini was celebrated in his
name. “ (Spiritus-Tempori"s.com.)
3. “The Secular Games (Latin Ludi Saeculares, originally Ludi Terentini) were a
religious celebration, involving sacrifices
and theatrical performances, held in ancient Rome for three days and nights to mark the end of a saeculum and the beginning of the next. A
saeculum, supposedly the longest possible length of human life, was
considered as either 100 or 110 years in length… The Games were revived in 17
BC by Rome's first emperor Augustus, with the nocturnal sacrifices on the
Campus Martius now transferred to the Moerae (fates), the Ilythiae (goddesses
of childbirth), and Terra Mater (the "Earth
mother").” (Wikipedia.)
4.
“At the time of the reign of emperor Augustus, the Romans
decided that a saeculum was 110 years. In 17
BC Caesar Augustus organised Ludi saeculares ('century-games') for the first
time to celebrate the 'fifth saeculum of
·
Nota bene: Consider
the term “secular State” vs. “Dis
Pater’s State.”
5.
“Rome was founded on the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, which was April 21,
as universally agreed.” (Wikipedia.)
]
·
Nota bene: I am uncertain re
which calendar to associate with these Dis Pater sacrifices. In one article re
Dis Pater, I have been considering associations between the Dis Pater sacrifice
and the WTC
9-11-2001 event, the crucifixion
on May 12, 19 CE, and Caesar Otho’s
death, which death seems to have taken place on April 19, i.e. on day 3, per Roman
inclusive reckoning, prior to the commonly accepted date for the founding of
Rome on April 21.
“IX. Though it was the
general opinion that it would be proper to protract the war, as the enemy were
distressed by (423) famine and the straitness of their quarters, yet he
resolved with equal rashness to force them to an engagement as soon as possible;
whether from impatience of prolonged anxiety, and in the hope of bringing
matters to an issue before the arrival of Vitellius, or because he could not
resist the ardour of the troops, who were all clamorous for battle. He was not,
however, present at any of those which ensued, but stayed behind at Brixellum 683. He had the advantage
in three slight engagements, near the Alps, about Placentia, and a place called
Castor's 684; but was, by a
fraudulent stratagem of the enemy, defeated in the last and greatest battle, at
Bedriacum 685. For, some hopes of a conference being given, and the
soldiers being drawn up to hear the conditions of peace declared, very unexpectedly,
and amidst their mutual salutations, they were obliged to stand to their arms. Immediately
upon this he determined to put an end to his life…
“XI. And now being prepared, and just upon the
point of dispatching himself, he was induced to suspend the
execution of his purpose by a great tumult which had broken out in the camp.
Finding that some of the soldiers who were making off had been seized and
detained as deserters, "Let us add," said he, "this
night to our life." These were his very words.
“He then gave orders that no violence should be offered
to any one; and keeping his chamber-door open until late at night, he allowed
all who pleased the liberty to come and see him. At last, after quenching his
thirst with a draught of cold water, he took up two poniards, and having
examined the points of both, put one of them under his pillow, and shutting his
chamber-door, slept very soundly, until, awaking about
break of day, he stabbed himself under the left pap. Some persons
bursting into the room upon his first groan, he at one time covered, and at
another exposed his wound to the view of the bystanders, and thus life soon
ebbed away. His funeral was hastily
performed, according to his own order, in the
thirty-eighth year of his age, and ninety-fifth day of his reign.
XII… It is said likewise that he celebrated publicly the sacred rites
of
(C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS, A. SALVIUS OTHO:XI)
[“12.
Osiris: The brother and husband of
[“
Quoting Tacitus:
“55. At
[“Cerealia was a 7-day festival celebrated in ancient
Based upon the many dated heathen ceremonies above as
referenced by both Suetonius and Tacitus it is clear that Otho began his march
against Vitellius no later than March
30, 54 CE and that he was buried on April
19, 54 CE. It is also clear that he was participating in the Dis Pater sacrifice which began with the last three days of the Roman
year, which year apparently began with
April 21. Thus Otho was performing a Dis Pater sacrifice on April 18. No
wonder (cf. king Saul’s experience after Endor; 1 Sam 28) Saul decided to
commit suicide on that very day, though Suetonius makes it clear that Otho killed himself on the early morning of
the next day, i.e. April 19, 54 CE, during which same day “his funeral was hastily performed according to his own
order.” This same day was the 21st
day of the Karaite lunar month, and thus also the last day of a calendar year
beginning with Abib 22. Cf. John 20:26!
Using a Jewish/Roman type hybrid calendar, April 19 dawn, 54 CE was the
3rd day before the beginning of a Jewish year beginning with Nissan
22.[1]
I find these multiple
actions of image worship remarkable and quite revealing. Considering that the
sacrifices to Dis Pater were renewed by Augustus it only makes sense to
consider his reign an accession period for the age we know of as the Gregorian
calendar etc., i.e. the age beginning with 1 A.D. and the beginning of the
reign of Caesar Tiberius. That makes Otho the 6th Caesar of that
same era where Caesar Tiberius was the 1st. I also notice the correlation
with the infamous WTC event, which took place on September 11, 2001 [Elul 22,
2001 CE,] which corresponds to an Eight Day celebration exactly one month prior
to the instructions per Leviticus 23:39-44 CE and exactly one week prior to the
non-biblical Jewish holiday named Rosh HaShanah, meaning ‘the beginning of the
Year.’ Cf. the Biblical Year!
That discovered, I notice
that April 19, 54 CE is Adar III 22, 54 CE corresponding to another Eight
Day. Counting backwards, (cf. Augustus,) from the beginning of said
Eight Day “three months” I arrive at the beginning of Shevet 22, 54 CE. Adding
likewise “two days” I arrive at the beginning of Shevet 20 [sunset January (17
or) 18, 54 CE.] Accordingly, Otho’s first day of rulership began at sunset
January (16 or) 17, 54 CE. Accordingly, Otho’s accession period began January
(15 or) 16, 54 CE, which is in perfect agreement with both Suetonius and
Tacitus!
Otho’s de facto reign began
when Galba died after sunset on January 15, 53 CE [Day 15 in the 11th
Moon, Shevat 15, 54 CE.]
This allows for Otho’s
accession period to be reckoned, alternatively, all the way from the beginning
of the Civil War Aviv 9, 53 CE [March
19, 53 CE.]
Otho
died on Adar III 22, the 22nd
Day of the Fourteenth Moon, 54 CE [April 19, 54 CE.] Otho’s funeral was
performed on April 19, 54 CE.
The following statements of
Josephus now make perfect sense:
“2. But when Vespasian had overthrown
all the places that were near to
At this point it is clear
that Vespasian is not recognizing either Otho or Vitellius as his commander and
overlord but is taking the responsibility for his actions upon himself.
Somewhat strangely Josephus is still apparently counting Vespasian’s reign from
the beginning of the Civil War even though clearly Vespasian recognized Galba
as his Emperor and overlord. Perchance this is due to the fact that Vespasian
never did receive any orders from Galba?
Vitellius’, &
Vespasian’s 1st (Vespasian’s 3rd as Syrian commander) [sacred calendar]
year; first half;
Vitellius’, &
Vespasian’s 1st (Vespasian’s 2nd as Syrian commander) [civil calendar]
year; second half; and
Aviv 1, 54 CE thru Elul, 54 CE [April 28, 54 CE
thru October 20, 54 CE:]
Nonetheless, I next notice:
“And when he
[Vespasian] had shown his reluctance a great while, and had
endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able
to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him
emperor.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:10:4.
Here apparently Josephus’
words “he at length… yielded to their solicitations that would salute him
emperor” and “his reluctance a great while”are referencing the interval of time
between Galba’s death January 16 and his own acceptance of the emperorship in
July 54 CE.
Suetonius gives us some
light upon the sequence of events for this time period as follows:
“In the
eighth month of Vitellius’s reign… When Vespasian’s forces converged on
“A distinguished Jewish
prisoner of Vespasian’s, Josephus by name… Nero, it seemed, had been warned in
a dream shortly before his death… Soon after this, while Galba was on his way
to the elections which gave him a second consulship… Still Vespasian made no
move, although his adherents were impatient to press his claims to the Empire;
until he was suddenly stirred to action by the fortuitous support of a distant
group of soldiers whom he did not even know:
2,000 men belonging to
the three legions in Moesia that were reinforcing Otho. They had marched
forward as far as
Re the date “11 July,”
another translator of the same passage of Suetonius uses this translation [the
bracketed date, “the 28th of July,” apparently based upon an error
using ‘kalends’ in place of ‘ides’ considering that ‘v kal. aug.,’ not ‘v id.
jul.,’ is July 28:]
"Tiberius Alexander,
governor of
h was observed ever after
as the day of his accession to the empire; and upon the fifth of the ides of the same month [the 28th of July], the army in
Vitellius’, &
Vespasian’s 1st (Vespasian’s 3rd as Syrian commander) [sacred calendar]
year; second half;
Vitellius’, &
Vespasian’s 2nd (Vespasian’s 3rd as Syrian commander) [civil calendar]
year; first half; and
Tishri 1, 54 CE thru Shevat, 55 CE (No Adar, 55 CE!) [October 21, 54 CE thru March 18, 55 CE]
Thus, according to
Suetonius, Vespasian was in Judaea July 11 (not July 28) following Otho’s
suicide but preceding the assassination of Vitellius in
“Then did Vitellius come
out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious
meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude,
and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of
Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days (26) and had he
lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient
for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty
thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the
next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and
his men to leave off killing…” Josephus, Wars, IV:11:4.
"LXVII. The ears
of Vitellius
were deaf to manly counsels. His whole soul was overwhelmed by a tender anxiety,
lest by an obstinate resistance he might leave the conqueror less mercifully
disposed to his wife and children. He had also a mother old and feeble, but
she, expiring a few days before, escaped by her opportune death the ruin of her
house, having gained from the Imperial dignity of her son nothing but sorrow
and a good name. On
the 18th of December [XV kalendas Ianuarias;
cf. kalends & Roman calendar /
months /ToL],
after hearing of the defection of the legion and the auxiliary infantry which
had surrendered at Narnia, he [Vitellius] left the palace, clad in mourning
robes, and surrounded by his weeping household. With him went his little son,
carried in a litter, as though in a funeral procession. The greetings of the people were flattering, but
ill-suited to the time; the soldiers preserved an ominous silence."
(Tacitus, The History,
BOOK III: SEPTEMBER — DECEMBER, A.D. 69; 3.67)
Several days and
nights are being described in the intermediary sections of Tacitus:
.
.
.
“78. While these
events were in progress on Vitellius' side, the army of Vespasian, which had
left Narnia, was celebrating the festival of the Saturnalia in idleness at Ocriculum…
.
.
.
“85. At the point of
the sword, Vitellius was at one moment forced to look up and face the jeering,
at the next to fix his eyes not only on the statues of himself as they were
pulled down but wholly degenerate spirit. When a tribune mocked him, he
retorted 'Whatever you may say, I was your emperor.' Thereupon he fell
lifeless beneath a rain of blows. And still the mob reviled him in death as
viciously as they had flattered him while he lived.
“86… At the time of
his death, he [Vitellius] was fifty-seven years old… It was
now almost dusk, and owing to the panic of the magistrates and
senators, who had slipped out of the city or were taking cover in the houses of
their various dependants, it was impossible to call a meeting of the senate. As for Domitian, when there was
nothing more to fear from the enemy, he presented himself to the Flavian
leaders and was greeted with the title Caesar'. The troops crowded round
and just as they were, still armed, escorted him to his father's home.”
(The
Histories by Cornelius Tacitus —Book Three)
Kislev 6, the 6th
day of the Ninth Moon, 54 CE, fell out on either November 25, 54 CE (or else
December (24 or) 25, 54 CE if there was an Adar III, 54 CE???,) according to the Julian Calendar generally
recognized for that time period today. However, according to Tacitus, as
above quoted, Vitellius was still alive December 18. Additionally, Tacitus’ record makes it clear
that Vitellius is alive for several days following the events of December 18
(Tacitus, The Histories, 3:67) and also after “the festival of the Saturnalia”
[December 17-23] (Tacitus, The Histories, 3:78.) The same is borne out also by Suetonius’
record. Consequently, there must have been an Adar III, 54 CE and Vitellius
died on Kislev 6, 54 CE [December (24 or) 25, 54 CE] per the record of
Josephus. (Notice also, re the battle between Vespasian’s army and Vitellius’
army, that “This battle was fought
on the third day
of the month Apelleus [Casleu]”
[December (21 or) 22, 54 CE] Josephus, Wars, IV:11:4.”)
The beginning of the Civil
War and the accession period of (Galba,) Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian:
It is of interest and
importance here to notice that Josephus is providing Vitellius’ length of reign
as “eight month and five days” while also making clear that the battle leading
to Vitellius’ death was faught on “the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]” considering that Kislev is the Ninth month of the
year. I.e. Vitellius’ reign is counted from the beginning of the sacred year
regardless of the fact that part of Otho’s reign is concurrent with this reign
of Vitellius. This means also that the preceding sacred year is reckoned by
Josephus as the accession year for both Otho and Vitellius, the precise
accession period beginning probably with more or less the same event. It makes
sense for Josephus to recognize, as the beginning of these accession periods,
the Civil War and the insurrection in
Conclusion
re Vitellius:
Vitellius reign is recognized by Josephus as
having begun with the beginning of the Civil War on Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53
CE] on the anniversary of Nero’s matricide.
Vitellius died on Kislev 6 [December (24 or) 25,] 54
CE.
Upon Vitellius’ death
Domitian, the son of Vespasian, was first [briefly] celebrated as the new
Emperor of Rome.
Astronomical correlations:
Dio is
giving reference to a comet during the reign of Vitellius as well as of a lunar
eclipse in the middle of the summer. The following event satisfies all criteria
provided
in his record:
1. The comet
observation is confirmed by recordings of the ancient Chinese astronomers who
states: “This comet had a tail
measuring about 5 degrees and was seen between June 9 and July 9 of that year.” In 54 CE June 9 and July 9 are the
days for the astronomical full moons, not necessarily the duration of the
observation of the comet.
2. There was a total lunar
eclipse lasting 1 hour 46 minutes on Wednesday August 7, 54 CE at 04:36 UT, the
first visible part of the eclipse beginning at 02:38 UT (i.e. beginning at
04:59
3. From the
language of Dio’s record, which could represent a quote from a first hand
observer, it appears as though the above referenced comet may have been (?)
eclipsed by the moon on the very same day as the lunar eclipse, possibly (?)
even concurrent with the lunar eclipse. – However, I am not proposing that such
a two-fold event can be proven from Dio’s original Greek words alone!
“...as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus
slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil
war; - I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they
are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and
Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connexion of matters, and that my
history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon every thing briefly…”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:9:2 (4. 491.)
“And when he [Vespasian] had
shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this
dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to
their solicitations that would salute him emperor.” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, IV:10:4.
“1. AND now, when Vespasian
had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power
justly, (25) and according
to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had
best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria,
because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at
Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and
committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was
Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter,
and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia. Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, IV:11:1.
“In the eighth month of
Vitellius’s reign the Moesian and Pannonian legions repudiated him and swore
allegiance to Vespasian…” (Gaius
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars, translated by Robert Graves, London,
The Folio Society, MCMLXIV, p. 276.)
Compare Suetonius’ statement
immediately above with Josephus’ statement below re the allegiance of the
Moesian legion:
“2. In the mean time, Antonius
Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia,
for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight
Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius
sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him,
because of his having beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great
haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders
of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order,
he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to
think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the
centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go
over to Antonius” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:11:2.
“4. And now, upon the news
that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled
those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night time
seized upon the capitol; and, as the day came on, many men of character came
over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very
great weight for the compassing the government... But now within a day's time
came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and
having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then
did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an
extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along
through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut
off in the midst of
Apelleus[Casleu,] 3, 54 CE [December (21 or) 22, 54 CE]
“78. While
these events were in progress on Vitellius' side, the army of Vespasian, which
had left Narnia, was celebrating the festival of the Saturnalia in idleness at Ocriculum.
(34) This
fatal delay was caused by the desire to wait for Mucianus. There have been some
who have suspected Antonius of wilfully and maliciously wasting time after the
receipt of a secret communication from Vitellius. This did in fact offer to
reward him with a consulship, the hand of Vitellius' daughter (now of
marriageable age) and a rich dowry, provided he would change sides. Others have
held that this account of the delay was a fiction invented to please Mucianus.
In the view of certain writers, all the generals were agreed that, as the most
powerful cohorts had deserted from Vitellius, it was policy to confront
“Note
34 - The Fla
The festival of Saturnalia is frequently given as
December 17-23, which would correspond in 54 CE to an up to seven day long time
period beginning on the 3rd (or 4th) last day of Heshvan.
Quoting from Ronald L. Conte Jr., Important Dates in
the Lives of Jesus and Mary:
“Tacitus places this same battle, and the death
of Vitellius, not long after Dec. 18.1051 A common interpretation of Tacitus places this same
battle described by Josephus on Dec. 20.1052 ” [Cf. Josephus date!]
1051 Tacitus, The Histories, Penguin
Books, p. 192-206. See also: Tacitus, The
Histories, Loeb Classical Library, 3.67-86.
1052 Tacitus, The Histories, Penguin
Books, p. 203, n. 1.
Quoting from Josephus:
“Vitellius… retained the
government eight months and five days…. This battle was fought on
the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:11:4.
Apelleus[Casleu,] 3, 54 CE [December (21 or) 22, 54 CE]
Could it be that Vitellius had an accession period
beginning before the beginning of Aviv 1, 53, perhaps based upon some prior
arrangement between him and Galba, or even Nero? Or perhaps based upon something
entirely different? Perhaps simply upon the fact that during a “civil war,” and
apparently there was civil war from before the time of Nero’s death even until
“Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war…” (Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, IV:9:2) and “the people… made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and
kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
IV:11:4.
“Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was…
president of
In his position of authority, under the
“2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was
getting ready with all his army to march directly to
“9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not
only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in
the midst of the Roman market-place; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against
Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen
him.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
IV:9:9.
Considering Josephus’
use, above, of the words “civil war” in reference to the war between Vitellius
and Otho, considering also his words “Galba was… slain by treachery,” and his words “Nero… had a plot laid against
him…” it is apparent that, at least from Josephus’ point of view, the soldiers
were acting seditiously and out of order and Vitellius is apparently treated by
Josephus as having had an accession period prior to Aviv 1, 54 CE. If that is
so, then…
Adding “eight months”
onto Vitellius’ accession period preceding Aviv 54 CE, brings me to the
beginning of the Ninth Month, i.e. Kislev. Adding “five days” brings me to Kislev 6 [December (24 or) 25,] 54 CE.] Certainly this date is
in good agreement with Josephus’ words:
“But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his
army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last
were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an
extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along
through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had
his head cut off in
the midst of Rome, having
retained the government eight
months and five days (26) and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not
have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered
above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus
[Casleu]; on the
next day Mucianus
came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave
off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of
Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his
party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and
others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the
multitude, until his father should come himself; so the people being now freed
from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and
kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
IV:11:4.
“Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius,
and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war; - I have
omitted to give an exact account of them” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, IV:9:2.
The State
of
The most likely basis for Vitellius’ [and
Vespasian’s] years of reign is the beginning of the state of “civil war” in
“5. And now, as Vespasian
was come to
“the winter was now
almost over…” – Considering the events re Vitellius’ death in Josephus’
prior paragraph it becomes obvious that this is the 54/55 CE winter.
Some conclusions re Galba, Vitellius, Otho, and
Vespasian to this point:
1.
The Civil War, as reckoned by Josephus, and the accession periods of
Vitellius, Otho, and Vespasian are all apparently beginning
with the beginning of the Civil War, i.e.
very shortly before Aviv 9, 53 CE [March 19, 53 CE,] when “at Naples [Nero
first] heard of the insurrection in Gaul, on the anniversary of the day
on which he killed his mother” (C.
Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Caesars (ed. Alexander Thomson):XL;)
2.
Galba died after sunset on January
15, 53 CE [Day 15 in the 11th Moon, Shevat 15, 54 CE,] but
Josephus counts Galba’s reign as ending on January 9, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE]
when Piso was adopted as Galba’s son on January 9, 54 CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE.]
3.
Otho died on Adar III 22, the 22nd
Day of the Fourteenth Moon, 54 CE [April 19, 54 CE.] Otho’s funeral was
performed on April 19, 54 CE.
4.
Vitellius died on Kislev
6 [December (24 or) 25,] 54 CE.; and
5.
Vespasian was first acclaimed Emperor by Otho’s soldiers following the death of Otho,
then by Tiberius Alexander,
governor of Egypt, on July 1, 54 CE then by his own soldiers in Judea on July 11, 54 CE and
finally by the senate and the populace in Rome following the death of
Vitellius, though Vespasian’s youngest son Domitian
was the one initially "greeted with the title Caesar" prior to
the arrival of Vespasian.
Accordingly, I have found
almost perfect agreement between Josephus’ record and Suetonius and Tacitus. So
let’s pursue this further:
“Galba…
singled out from a group of his courtiers a handsome and well-bred young man,
Piso Frugi Lucianus, to whom he had already shown great favour, and appointed
him perpetual heir to his name and property. Calling him ‘my son’, he led Piso into the Guard’s camp, and there
formally and publicly adopted him – without, however, mentioning the word
‘bounty’, and thus giving Otho an
excellent opportunity for his coup d’état five days later.” (Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars (translated by
Robert Graves,) p.253.)
"Galba's
adoption of Piso came as a shock to Otho, who had hoped to secure this good
fortune himself. Disappointment, resentment and a massive accumulation of
debts now prompted him to revolt. His one chance of survival, Otho frankly
admitted, lay in becoming Emperor. He added: 'I might as well fall to some
enemy in battle as to my creditors in the Forum.' The 10,000 gold pieces, just
paid him for a stewardship by one of the Emperor's slaves, served to finance
the undertaking. To begin with he
confided in five of his personal guards, each of whom co-opted two others; they
were paid 100 gold pieces a head and promised fifty more. These fifteen men
recruited a certain number of assistants, but not many, since Otho counted on
mass support as soon as he had raised the standard of revolt.
“His first plan was to occupy the Guards’ Camp immediately after Piso’s
adoption, and to capture Galba during dinner at the Palace. But he abandoned this because the same battalion happened to be on guard duty as when Gaius Caligula
had been assassinated, and again when Nero had been left to his fate; he felt
reluctant to deal their reputation for loyalty a further blow. Unfavourable
omens, and Seleucus’s warnings, delayed matters another five days. However, on the
morning of the sixth, Otho posted his fellow-conspirators in the Forum at the gilt milestone
near the Temple
of Saturn
“Towards evening Otho
delivered a brief speech to the Senate claiming to have been picked up in the
street and compelled to accept the Imperial poswer, but promising to respect
the people’s sovereign will. Hence he
proceeded to the Palace, where he received fulsome congratulations and flattery
from all present, making no protest even when the crowd called him Nero…”
(Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars (translated by Robert Graves,) p.261-2.)
“XXVII. On the 15th of January, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple of Apollo palace
of Tiberius to the Velabrum, and
thence to the golden milestone near the temple of Saturn
Comparing the above
quoted records of Suetonius and Tacitus I find from the details of the events
that “the sixth” day of Suetonius is the same as the “January 15” referenced by
Tacitus, and that both of these accounts agree with Josephus’ records
considering that Josephus is reckoning Galba’s reign as ending on January 9, 54
CE [Shevat 8, 54 CE] when Piso was adopted. Thus Galba
died in the evening of January 15,
53 CE.
Vespasian’s 2nd [sacred calendar] year;
first half;
Vespasian’s 2nd [civil calendar] year;
second half; and
Aviv 1, 55 CE thru Elul, 55 CE [March 19, 55 CE thru September 11, 55 CE]
“1. AS now the war abroad
ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was
now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,]”Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, V:3:1 (5.98.)
“The fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus” is
Aviv 14, 55 CE [Tuesday April 1 or Wednesday April 30 or Thursday May 1, 55 CE.]
NOTICE re 55 CE option:
1) Green font indicates
evidence due to usual payday.
2) It is interesting that
the month immediately preceding Aviv 55 CE must have been
Shevat, the 11th Moon, thus skipping Adar, the 12th Moon,
whereas there was an Adar III, a 14th Moon in 54 CE!
Notice that the words “the
war abroad ceased for a while” naturally references the time period starting
with Vespasian “hear[ing] of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius
was emperor” [i.e. spring 54 CE after Otho’s
death] [cf. the quote below!] and ending with Vespasian being acclaimed the
victorious emperor after the reports of Vitellius demise and then Titus return
to Jerusalem at the subsequent Passover. Notice how, by comparing the
March/April events surrounding Otho’s death and the present record placing The
Feast of Unleavened Bread we get confirmation of the very late placement of
Aviv, the First Moon of the biblical year:
“2. But when
Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to
“7. And, indeed, why do I relate
these particular calamities? while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to
Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through
that one gate, which was intrusted to his care, no fewer than a hundred and
fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthieus,
[Nisan,] when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, V:13:7 (5.47-97.)
“The fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus” is
the First Moon, Aviv 14, 55 CE [Tuesday April 1 or Wednesday April 30 or
Thursday May 1, 55 CE.]
“The first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz,]” i.e.
of the Fourth Moon [Saturday
June 28 or Sunday June 29 or Monday July
28, 55 CE.]
“Then the Romans mounted
the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that
wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall
opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the Romans get possession of this first wall,
on the fifteenth day of
the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when
they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts
of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, V:7:2 (5.302.)
“The fifteenth day of
the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,]” was Zif (Ijar,
Artemisius) 7, 55 CE [Wednesday
April 23 or Thursday April 24 or Friday
May 23, 55 CE]
“1. NOW Caesar took this
wall there on the fifth
day after he had taken the first;
and when the Jews had fled from him, he entered into it with a thousand armed
men…” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, V:8:1.
“The fifth day” is here, as best I can tell,
giving reference to the Fifth Day of the week and the tenth day of Artemisius [Thursday the
“the fifth day,” April
24 or May 29, 55 CE,] which day starts at
sunset [Wednesday night.] Thus, the
second wall was taken Wednesday after sunset and/or on Thursday, i.e. “the
Fifth Day” of the week, Zif 8, 55 CE [April 24 or May 29,
55 CE] or else on “the fifth day after he had taken the first [wall,]” which would
have been Zif 12 [Monday
April 28 or Tuesday April 29 or Wednesday
May 28, 55 CE]
“Thus
did the Jews grow more numerous perpetually, and had great
advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and
they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out
of the city. Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best
resistance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at
the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those
that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them
succors; for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow
lakes, and he stood himself where was the greatest multitude of his enemies,
and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domitius Sabinus
also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus did
Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from
coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the
city.
“2.
And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves
of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city
were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success,
and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city
any more; and that if they kept within it themselves, they should not be any
more conquered..
“Thus did they valiantly
defend themselves for
three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the
vehement assaults of Titus but were compelled by force to fly
whither they had fled before; so he quietly
possessed himself again of that wall, and demolished it entirely.
And when he had put a garrison into the towers that were on the south parts of
the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, V:8:1-2.
The words “for three
days; but on the fourth day” most likely references Day
Three and Day Four of the week, Zif 15
and 16, 55 CE [Tuesday
April 29 and Wednesday 30, OR Tuesday June 3 and Wednesday 4, 55 CE.] If duration is intended,
then I arrive at the end of “three days” beginning at either 1) Zif 14 [Wednesday April 30 or Thursday May 1 or Friday May 30, 55 CE] or else 2)
Zif 16 [sunset Friday May 2 or Saturday May 3 or Sunday June 1, 55 CE]
“1. A RESOLUTION was now
taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to
afford the seditious an interval for consideration, and to see whether the
demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant,
or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they
had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of
this relaxation in order to compass his own designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must
distribute subsistence money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the
army into battle-array, in the face of the enemy, and then give every one of
the soldiers their pay.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, V:9:1.
What time is “the usual
appointed time” for the payment of wages?
Is it not the middle or the end of the Julian months? How about on Wednesday April 30 or Thursday May 1 or Saturday May 31 or Sunday June
15, 55 CE? Thus, Titus did “relax the siege for a little while”, while
distributing “subsistence money to the soldiers.”
“2. Thus did the Romans spend
four days in bringing this subsistence-money to the several
legions. But on the fifth
day, when no signs of peace
appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to
raise banks, both at the
Notice here the “Thus did…
spend four days…” while the last time reference was also “on the fourth day…!”
I.e. “Thus did… spend Day
Four” pointing back to “on the Fourth Day…!”
Strong evidence
for these words meaning week days rather than duration, isn’t it?! But this
same evidence also tends to obviate all but the April 30 option! Helpful
evidence indeed! I’ll mark those options with green font.
The words “spend four
days… But on the fifth day” most likely references Day
Four and Day Five of the week, Zif 16
and 17, 55 CE [Wednesday
and Thursday April 30 and May 1, 55 CE.]
It seems as though the banks “at the tower of Antonia and at John's monument”
are in addition to other banks already in progress since five days before, “for
there were now four great
banks raised” (cf. below.)
“4. Now as the Romans began
to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month
Artemisius, [Jyar,] so had
they much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after they had labored hard for seventeen
days continually. For there
were now four great banks raised,
one of which was at the tower Antonia; this was raised by the fifth legion,
over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was
cast up by the twelfth legion, at the distance of about twenty cubits from the
other. But the labors of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these,
were on the north quarter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as was that of the
fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high priest's
monument. And now, when the engines were brought, John had from
within undermined the space that was over against the
“5. Two
days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the
other banks; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began
already to make the wall shake.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, V:11:5.
“Two days after this”
is probably more correctly translated “Day Two [of the week] after this,” (cf.
above.) In 55 CE the first Second Day following upon “the twenty-ninth
day of the same month,” i.e. “of the month Artemisius, [Jyar] ”
[Friday May 16, 55 CE] is:
1.
Two full biblical days later, Sivan
3, 55 CE [Monday May 19,
55 CE;]
2.
[Tuesday, June 17, 55 CE,] two full biblical days after Zif 29.
“However, seeing the
banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much [c]ast
down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour's time. And many indeed despaired of taking the city with
their usual engines of war only.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
V:11:6.
“Now the length of this
wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected
thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together,
amounted to ten furlongs; the whole was completed
in three days; so that what would naturally have required some
months was done in so short an interval as is incredible.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, V:12:2.
“…completed in three days…” is
probably more correctly translated “completed in Day Three [of the week,] ”
(cf. above.) In 55 CE the first Third Day following upon “the twenty-ninth
day of the same month,” i.e. “of the month Artemisius, [Jyar] ”
[Friday May 16, 55 CE] is:
1.
Two full biblical days later
[Tuesday May 20, 55 CE;]
2.
[Wednesday, June 18, 55 CE,] three full biblical days after Zif 29.
Thus, this 8 km [40x200
meter] long “wall” was completed, not “in three days,” but, most likely, on the
Third Day of the week, Sivan 4, 55 CE
[Tuesday May 20, 55 CE,] “after they had labored hard for… [21
full]
days continually,” in accord with and continuing upon the phrase “after
they had labored hard for seventeen days continually.” This translation
is a little more reasonable, is it not?
“And now the Romans,
although they were greatly distressed in getting together their materials,
raised their banks in one and twenty days, after they had cut
down all the trees that were in the country that adjoined to the city, and that
for ninety furlongs round about, as I have already related.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, VI:1:1.
“…in one and twenty
days…”
is probably more correctly translated “in the 21st day,” i.e. the 21st
day using the same counting base as that used within the phrase “after
they had labored hard for seventeen days continually.”
If correct, this brings us
to the Third Day, Sivan 4, 55 CE, [Tuesday May 20, 55 CE.]
“3. But now John and
his party took care for securing themselves afterward, even in case
this wall should be thrown down, and fell to their work before the battering
rams were brought against them. Yet did they not compass what they endeavored
to do, but as they were gone out with their torches, they came back under great
discouragement before they came near to the banks; and the reasons were these:
that, in the first place, their conduct did not seem to be unanimous, but they
went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner,
and timorously, and, to say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they
were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in
violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in
persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it;
but they now went out in a more languid manner than usual, and at the same time
found the Romans set in array, and more courageous than ordinary, and that they
guarded their banks both with their bodies and their entire armor, and this to
such a degree on all sides, that they left no room for the fire to get among
them, and that every one of their souls was in such good courage, that they
would sooner die than desert their ranks; for besides their notion that all
their hopes were cut off, in case these their works were once burnt, the
soldiers were greatly ashamed that subtlety should quite be too hard for
courage, madness for armor, multitude for skill, and Jews for Romans. The
Romans had now also another advantage, in that their engines for sieges
co-operated with them in throwing darts and stones as far as the Jews,
when they were coming out of the city; whereby the man that fell became
an impediment to him that was next to him, as did the danger of going farther
make them less zealous in their attempts; and for those that had run under the
darts, some of them were terrified by the good order and closeness of the
enemies' ranks before they came to a close fight, and others were pricked with
their spears, and turned back again; at length they reproached one another for
their cowardice, and retired without doing any thing. This attack was made upon the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz.] So when
the Jews were retreated, the Romans brought their engines, although they had
all the while stones thrown at them from the tower of Antonia, and were
assaulted by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts, which necessity
afforded the Jews to make use of; for although these had great dependence on
their own wall, and a contempt of the Roman engines, yet did they endeavor to
hinder the Romans from bringing them.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:1:3.
“[T]he first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]”
fell on the First (or Second) Day of
the week [Sunday June 15, 55 CE.] (Monday June 16, 55 CE may be excluded
based on “made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed
month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]” i.e. Day Two, then Tamuz 24, 55 CE.)
“6.
Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were aftrighted at so
great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts,
and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the
actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; although any
body would have thought, before he came to his work, that he was of such a weak
constitution of body, that he was not fit to be a soldier; for his color was
black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay close together; but there was a
certain heroic soul that dwelt in this small body, which body was indeed much
too narrow for that peculiar courage which was in him. Accordingly he was the
first that rose up, when he thus spake: "I readily surrender up myself to
thee, O Caesar; I first ascend the wall, and I heartily wish that my fortune
may follow my courage and my resolution And if some ill fortune grudge me the
success of my undertaking, take notice that my ill success will not be
unexpected, but that I choose death voluntarily for thy sake." When he had
said this, and had spread out his sheild over his head with his left hand, and
hill, with his right hand, drawn his sword, he marched up to the wall,
just about the sixth hour of the day. There followed him eleven others, and no
more, that resolved to imitate his bravery; but still this was the
principal person of them all, and went first, as excited by a divine fury. Now
those that guarded the wall shot at them from thence, and cast innumerable
darts upon them from every side; they also rolled very large stones upon them,
which overthrew some of those eleven that were with him. But as for Sabinus himself,
he met the darts that were cast at him and though he was overwhelmed with them,
yet did he not leave off the violence of his attack before
he had gotten up on the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to flight. For
as the Jews were astonished at his great strength, and the bravery of his soul,
and as, withal, they imagined more of them had got upon the wall than really
had, they were put to flight. And now one cannot but complain here of fortune,
as still envious at virtue, and always hindering the performance of glorious
achievements: this was the case of the man before us, when he had just obtained
his purpose; for he then stumbled at a certain large stone, and fell down upon
it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon which the Jews turned back, and when
they saw him to be alone, and fallen down also, they threw darts at him from
every side. However. be got upon his knee, and covered himself with his shield,
and at the first defended himself against them, and wounded many of those that
came near him; but he was soon forced to relax his right hand, by the multitude
of the wounds that had been given him, till at length he was quite covered over
with darts before he gave up the ghost. He was one who deserved a better fate,
by reason of his bravery; but, as might be expected, he fell under so vast an
attempt. As for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed three of them to
pieces with stones, and slew them as they were gotten up to the top of the
wall; the other eight being wounded, were pulled down, and carried back to the
camp. These things were done upon the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:1:6.
“[T]he third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]”
fell on the Third or Fourth Day
of the week [Tuesday June 17 or
Wednesday June 18, 55 CE.]
“7.
Now two days afterward twelve of those men that
were on the forefront, and kept watch upon the banks, got together, and called
to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, and two others of a troop of
horsemen, and one trumpeter; these went without noise, about the ninth hour of the night, through the ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they had cut the throats of the first guards
of the place, as they were asleep, they got possession of the wall, and
ordered the trumpeter to sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of the
guard got up on the sudden, and ran away, before any body could see how many
they were that were gotten up; for, partly from the fear they were in, and
partly from the sound of the trumpet which they heard, they imagined a great
number of the enemy were gotten up. But as soon as Caesar heard the
signal, he ordered the army to put on their armor immediately, and came
thither with his commanders, and first of all ascended, as did
the chosen men that were with him. And as the Jews were flying away to the
temple… At length the Jews' violent zeal was too hard for the Romans' skill,
and the battle already inclined entirely that way; for the fight had
lasted from the
ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour of the day, While the Jews came on in crowds, and had the danger
the temple was in for their motive; the Romans having no more here than a part
of their army; for those legions, on which the soldiers on that side depended,
were not come up to them. So it was at present thought sufficient by the Romans
to take possession of the
“…two days afterward…” is
probably more correctly translated “…on the subsequent Day Two [of the week…,] ”
(cf. above.) The subsequent Second Day [Monday] following upon “the third
day of the month Panemus [Tamuz] ” is the Second Day, Tammuz 9 [Monday June 23, 55 CE,]
else, if duration is indeed intended, we get Friday Tammuz 6, 55 CE [June 20,
55 CE.]
“1.
AND now Titus gave orders to his soldiers that were with him to dig up the
foundations of the tower of Antonia, and make him a ready passage for his army
to come up; while he himself had Josephus brought to him, (for he had been
informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day (5)
of Panemus, [Tamuz,] the sacrifice
called "the Daily Sacrifice" had
failed, and had not been offered to God, for want of men to offer it, and
that the people were grievously troubled at it,) and commanded him to say the
same things to John that he had said before…” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:2:1.
“[T]he seventeenth day (5) of Panemus,
[Tamuz,]” fell on the
Third Day of the week [Tuesday July 1 or
Wednesday July 2, 55 CE.]
“5.
As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesar, both
the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus's
fear, and not from his good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it. But when
Titus saw that these men were neither to be moved by commiseration towards
themselves, nor had any concern upon them to have the holy house spared, he
proceeded unwillingly to go on again with the war against them. He could not
indeed bring all his army against them, the place was so narrow; but choosing
thirty soldiers of the most valiant out of every hundred, and committing a
thousand to each tribune, and making Cerealis their commander-in-chief, he
gave orders that they should attack the guards of the temple about the ninth hour of that night. But as
he was now in his armor, and preparing to go down with them, his friends would
not let him go, by reason of the greatness of the danger, and what the
commanders suggested to them; for they said that he would do more by sitting
above in the tower of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those soldiers that
signalized themselves in the fight, than by coming down and hazarding his own
person in the forefront of them; for that they would all fight stoutly while
Caesar looked upon them. With this advice Caesar complied, and said that the
only reason he had for such compliance with the soldiers was this, that he
might be able to judge of their courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier
might lie concealed, and miss of his reward, and no cowardly soldier might go
unpunished; but that he might himself be an eye-witness, and able to give
evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and
rewards to them. So he sent the soldiers about their work at the hour
forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place in the tower of
Antonia, whence he might see what was done, and there waited with impatience to
see the event.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:2:5.
“At length it appeared that this fight, which began at the ninth hour of the night, was
not over till past the fifth hour of the day; and that, in the same place where the battle began,
neither party could say they had made the other to retire; but both the armies
left the victory almost in uncertainty between them;” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, VI:2:6.
“[T]he ninth hour of that night ”
as well as “the fifth hour of the day” fell on the Third Day of the week [Tuesday
July 1, 55 CE,] which was the same day as “the seventeenth day of
Panemus, [Tamuz,]”or else possibly the 18th?
“7. In the mean time, the rest of the Roman
army had, in seven days'
time, overthrown [some]
foundations of the
“…in seven days' time …” is
probably more correctly translated “…within Day Seven [of the week…,] ”
(cf. above.)
As above then, the words “…in
seven days' time …” references events that occurred on the
Seventh Day Shabbat, Tammuz 21
[Saturday July 5, 55 CE,]
“8.
Now after one day had been interposed since the Romans ascended the
breach, many of the seditious were so pressed by the famine, upon the present
failure of their ravages, that they got together, and made an attack on those Roman guards that were
upon the Mount of Olives, and this about
the eleventh hour of the day, as
supposing, first, that they would not expect such an onset, and, in the next
place, that they were then taking care of their bodies, and that therefore they
should easily beat them.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:2:8.
“…after one day had been interposed…” is
probably more correctly translated “…after Day One [of the week…,] ”
or else “…towards the end of Day One [of the week…] depending upon the
exact Greeks words used (cf. above.) The first First Day [Sunday] following
upon “the
seventeenth day of Panemus, [Tamuz,] ” in accord with the
above, is Tammuz 22 [Sunday July 6, 55 CE.] However, notice
that, if the Greek word “μετά,” and not e.g. “ὅτε” or “ὀψέ,” is the basis for the
English translation “after,” then the word “after”
makes it clear that reference is being given to an event subsequent to the end
of the First Day of the week.
Accordingly, if the events
related in verse 8 are properly applied to Tammuz 23, the Second Day of the
week, then the words “about the eleventh hour of the day,”
applies to the late afternoon of Tammuz 23, 55 CE, else if the events related
in verse 8 are properly applied to Tammuz 22, the First Day of the week, then
the words “about the eleventh hour of the day,” applies to the
late afternoon of Tammuz 22, 55 CE
[Sunday July 6, 55 CE.]
“9.
In the mean time, the Jews were so distressed by the fights they had been in, as
the war advanced higher and higher, and creeping up to the holy house itself,
that they, as it were, cut off those limbs of their body which were infected,
in order to prevent the distemper's spreading further; for they set the
north-west cloister, which was joined to the tower of Antonia, on fire, and
after that brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister, and thereby made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]
the Romans set fire to the cloister that joined to the other, when the fire
went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews, in like manner, cut off its roof; nor
did they entirely leave off what they were about till the tower of Antonia was
parted from the temple, even when it was in their power to have stopped the
fire; nay, they lay still while the temple was first set on fire, and deemed
this spreading of the fire to be for their own advantage. However, the armies
were still fighting one against another about the temple, and the war was
managed by continual sallies of particular parties against one another.”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:2:9.
“[T]he twenty-fourth day of the forenamed
month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]” fell on the Third Day of the week [Tuesday
July 8, 55 CE.]
Perhaps the
construction “made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed
month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]”would be better rendered “made a beginning in burning the sanctuary on Day Two; after which on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed
month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]” which time span would then encompass two consecutive days!
A perfect fit that provides strong evidence of both day of week vs. date of
month correlations for Tammuz, and, together with numerous others of like kind
in 55 CE, also a 55 CE placement for these events.
“1.
BUT now the seditious that were in the temple did every day openly endeavor to
beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks, and on the twenty-seventh day of the forenamed
month [Panemus or Tamuz] contrived such a stratagem as
this: They filled that part of the western cloister (14) which was
between the beams, and the roof under them, with dry materials, as also with
bitumen and pitch, and then retired from that place…” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, VI:3:1.
“[T]he twenty-seventh day of the forenamed
month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]” fell out upon the Sixth Day of the week [Friday July
11, 55 CE.]
“But
the next day the Romans burnt down the northern cloister entirely,
as far as the east cloister, whose common angle joined to the valley that was
called Cedron, and was built over it; on which account the depth was frightful.
And this was the state of the temple at that time.” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, VI:3:2.
This “next day” event then
references “The
twenty-…[eighth] day of the forenamed month, [Panemus or Tamuz,]”
which accordingly fell upon the Seventh
Day of the week [Saturday July 12, 55 CE.]
“1.
AND now two of the legions had completed
their banks on the eighth day of the
month Lous [Ab]. Whereupon
Titus gave orders that the battering rams should be brought, and set over
against the western edifice of the inner temple; for before these were brought,
the firmest of all the other engines had
battered the wall for
six days together without
ceasing, without making any impression upon it; but the vast largeness and
strong connexion of the stones were superior to that engine, and to the other
battering rams also. Other Romans did indeed undermine the foundations of the
northern gate, and after a world of pains removed the outermost stones, yet was
the gate still upheld by the inner stones, and stood still unhurt; till the
workmen, despairing of all such attempts by engines and crows, brought their
ladders to the cloisters.… But when Titus perceived that his endeavors to spare
a foreign temple turned to the damage of his soldiers, and then be killed, he
gave order to set the gates on fire.” …” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:4:1.
“[T]he eighth day of the month Lous [Ab]”
references an event on the 3rd
Day of the week [Tuesday July 22, 55 CE.]
But Josephus’ words “for
six days”are likely better translated “since Day Six [of the week,] ”
which day was Av 4, 55 CE [Friday
July 18, 55 CE.]
“This
fire prevailed during that
day and the next also; for the
soldiers were not able to burn all the cloisters that were round about together
at one time, but only by pieces.
The
words “that day and the
next” then referencing Av 8 and 9 [Tuesday and Wednesday July
22 and 23, 55 CE.]
“3.
But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to
quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the
legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, VI:4:2-3.
The words “during
that day and the next also” and, verse 3, “on the next day”
references, accordingly, events that occurred on the Third Day, Fourth Day, and
the Fifth Day of the week, Av 8, 9, and
10, 55 CE [Tuesday, Wednesday, and
Thursday July 22, 23, and 24, 55 CE.]
“4.
Now it is true that on
this day the Jews were so weary,
and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they
gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the
outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. These guards received that their attack with great
bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were
with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that
they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude
of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. However,
Caesar seeing, from the
The words “on this
day” and “on the next day” references, accordingly,
events that occurred on the Fifth Day and on the Sixth Day of the week, Av 10 and 11, 55 CE [Thursday and
Friday July 24 and 25, 55 CE.] The words “the second hour of the day”
refers to a point in time between 1-2 hours after sunrise, i.e. on the Sixth
Day of the week, Av 11, 55 CE
[Friday July 25, 55 CE,] whereas “about the fifth hour of the day”
refers to a point in time between 1-2 hours before noon.
“5.
So Titus retired into the
The words “the next
day, early in the morning” references, accordingly, events that occurred on the Seventh Day of
the week, Av 12, 55 CE [Saturday
July 26, 55 CE.]
Notice that the Jews
themselves started the fire on Tammuz 23, which, if Tammuz 24 is counted as the
first day of burning, makes Av 12, 55
CE the 19th day in that sequence of days when the
Notice also that the words
“it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,]”are giving
reference to the date “upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of
“6.
And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as
he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up
in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put
to the fire; after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the
several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult
raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. Then
did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud
voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench
the fire. But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud,
having their ears already dimmed by a greater noise another way; nor did they
attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were
distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that
came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could
restrain their violence, but each one's own passion was his commander at this
time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were
trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the
cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same
miserable way with those whom they had conquered; and when they were come near
the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar's
orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set
it on fire. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress
already to afford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were
every where slain, and every where beaten; and as for a great part of the
people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever
they were caught. Now round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one
upon another, as at the steps (16)
going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead
bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:4:6
“7.
And now, since Caesar was no way able to restrain the enthusiastic
fury of the soldiers, and the fire proceeded on more and more, he went into the
holy place of the temple, with his commanders, and saw it, with what was in it,
which he found to be far superior to what the relations of foreigners
contained, and not inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and believed about
it. But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still
consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what
the fact was, that the house itself might yet he saved, he came in haste and
endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to
Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to
beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them;
yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the
dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a
certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. Moreover,
the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the
places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was
made of gold. And besides, one of those that went into the place
prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and
threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; whereby the flame
burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the
commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those
that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt
down, without Caesar's approbation.”. Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:4:7.
“Now
the number of years that passed from its first foundation, which was laid by
king Solomon, till this its destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, are collected to be one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides
seven months and fifteen days;
and from the second building of it, which was done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus the king, till its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and
forty-five days.” Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, VI:4:7.
What
about the words: “one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides seven
months and fifteen days?” How are they to be applied correctly?
But
what about the count of years from the foundation laid by Solomon? Are the
calculations of Josephus re those years reliable? 1,130 years – 54 completed
years = 1,076 years. Correcting for the absence of a year 0, I obtain 1,075
years from the laying of the foundation unto Aviv 1, 1 BCE. If Josephus is
correct, and if my calculations are also correct, then the foundation to
Solomon’s
“…this
its [the holy house] destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian…” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:4:8.
Using
sacred year reckoning Aviv 1, 55 CE would then begin “the second year of the
reign of Vespasian” and Aviv 1, 54 CE would begin the 1st year of
the reign of Vespasian, which is consistent with the fact that Vespasian’s
accession year began Aviv 9, 53 CE [March
19, 53 CE,] when Nero first “heard of the insurrection in Gaul, on the anniversary of the day on
which he killed his mother,” i.e. at the beginning of the Civil War.
However, if, as I have presumed, Josephus’ reason
for using sacred year reckoning was none other than that of de facto civil war, then at this
point I find that the uprising of the Jews is in effect suppressed by the
burning of the Temple in Jerusalem, the touch stone of the Jews, and the state
of civil was at this point of the story a past event. Accordingly we may expect
Josephus to revert to civil year reckoning and the beginning of “the second
year of the reign of Vespasian” must then be recognized as Tishri 1 or 22, 54
CE. Thus Vespasian’s 1st civil year of reign would begin Tishri 1 or
22, 53 CE, and Vespasian’s accession year would begin at said beginning of the
Civil War.
Accordingly, at this point of the year Vespasian’s
year of reign are the same and consistent with said beginning of the civil
year.
“3.
Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied
God himself; while they did not attend nor give credit to the signs that were
so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation, but, like men
infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to consider, did not regard the
denunciations that God made to them. Thus there was a star (20) resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet,
that continued a
whole year. Thus also before the Jews'
rebellion, and before those commotions which preceded the war, when the people
were come in great crowds to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the month Xanthicus, (21) [Nisan,] and at the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone
round the altar and the holy house, that it appeared to be bright day time;
which lasted
for half an hour. This light
seemed to be a good sign to the unskillful, but was so interpreted by the
sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it…
Re the Xanthicus 8 event:
[Wednesday March 26,
55CE, between 02:00 and 03:00 AM
Re the star and the comet: These events are recorded in Chinese records as events
occurring in 54 CE (cf. Kronk, Cometography.) Notice the words “Thus also before
the Jews’ rebellion, and before those commotions which preceded
the war…” It becomes quite clear that the destruction of
”At the same festival also, a
heifer, as she was led by the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a
lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner (22) [court of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had
been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with
iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there
made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. Now those that kept watch in the temple came
hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then
came up thither, and not without great difficulty was able to shut the gate
again. This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God
did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood
it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and
that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. So these publicly
declared that the signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them.
Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one and twentieth day of the month
Artemisius, [Jyar,] a certain
prodigious and incredible phenomenon appeared: I suppose the account of it
would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, and were
not the events that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such
signals; for, before
sun-setting, chariots and troops
of soldiers in their armor were seen running
about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities…
“the one and twentieth day of the month
Artemisius, [Jyar…] before sun-setting…” [Thursday May 8, 55 CE.]
“Moreover,
at that feast which we call
Pentecost, as the priests were
going by night into the inner [court of the temple,] as their custom
was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place,
they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise, and after that they heard a sound
as of a great multitude, saying, "Let us remove hence."
“at that feast which we call Pentecost… by night…” [Friday night May 23, 55 CE.]
“But,
what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian
and a husbandman, who, four
years before the war began, and at a
time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom
for every one to make tabernacles
to God in the temple, (23) began on a sudden to cry aloud, "A voice from the east, a voice
from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the
holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against
this whole people!" This was his cry, as he went about by day and by
night, in all the lanes of the city. However, certain of the most eminent among
the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the
man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say
any thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to those that chastised him, but
still went on with the same words which he cried before. Hereupon our rulers,
supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the
man, brought him to the Roman procurator, where he was whipped till his bones
were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any
tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every
stroke of the whip his answer was, "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" And when Albinus (for he was then our procurator) asked
him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no
manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy
ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. Now, during
all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of
the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered
these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, "Woe, woe to
Jerusalem!" Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every
day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all
men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. This
cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage
in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as he was going round
upon the wall, he cried out with
his utmost force, "Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to
the holy house!" And just as he added at the last, "Woe, woe to
myself also!" there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed
him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave
up the ghost.” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:5:3.
“He continued this ditty for seven years and
five months:” The “five months” must be a reference to Aviv through Av.
Accordingly we arrive at Elul 1 [Thursday
August 14, 55 CE. (August 13, 55 CE is eliminated by the constraints of the context.)] for the day of this man’s death. The
“seven years” must, according to Josephus’ way of reckoning events pertaining
to this civil war, begin Aviv 1, 48 CE, and the corresponding “accession
period” began with the Feast of Tabernacles, Tishri 15, 47 CE.
If, alternatively, we were to apply a civil year reckoning, considering that
this prophetic event began prior to the civil war, I find no way of doing so
because of the “five months,” and so this does not seem to be a feasible
solution.
How are
time spans covering both sacred and civil years being reckoned by Josephus?:
Although
further study of the Greek text, or if a Hebrew text were to be still extant
and available, might reveal further insight, perhaps in the meantime the
following consideration may suffice?: What is the answer to the problem of
reckoning a time span that covers two different calendars, e.g. the civil vs.
the sacred Hebrew calendars? Is it possible that Josephus is here providing us
an example of such a problem and its solution? Is he counting four full civil
years before the war began and then three full sacred years after the war
began, thus ending up with a total of “seven years and five months?” That would
leave two rather long “accession periods” in the middle of this “seven year”
time span, i.e. the civil year reverse access period covering Tishri 1/22, 50
CE to Iyar, 51 CE; plus the sacred year forward access period covering Iyar, 51
CE through Adar, 52 CE; i.e. altogether about a year and a half. This may seem
strange, but on the other hand, What other solutions are possible while
consistent also with Josephus’ way of reckoning things? (Cf. discussion elsewhere.)
“1.
AND now the Romans, upon the flight of the seditious into the city, and upon
the burning of the holy house itself, and of all the buildings round about it, brought
their ensigns to the temple (24) and set them over against its eastern gate; and there did they offer
sacrifices to them, and there did they make Titus imperator (25) with the greatest acclamations of joy. And now all
the soldiers had such vast quantities of the spoils which they had gotten by
plunder, that in
“…On the fifth day afterward…” is
probably more correctly translated “…On the subsequent Fifth Day [of the week…] ”
If I am correct in applying these words as a direct sequel to Josephus, The
Wars of the Jews, VI:4:7, then the words translated “…On the fifth day afterward…”
references Av 14, 55 CE [Thursday
July 31, 55 CE.]
“3.
To that offer of Titus they made this reply: That they could not accept of it,
because they had sworn never to do so; but they desired they might have leave
to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and
children; for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At
this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men
already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him,
as if they had been conquerors. So he ordered this proclamation to be made to
them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any
further security; for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them
with his whole army; and that they must save themselves as well as they could;
for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So
he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city; who did
nothing indeed that
day; but on the next day they set fire to the repository of the archives, to
Acra, to the council-house, and to the place called Ophlas; at which time the
fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen Helena, which was in the middle of
Acra; the lanes also were burnt down, as were also those houses that were full
of the dead bodies of such as were destroyed by famine.” Josephus, The Wars
of the Jews, VI:6:3.
The words “that
day; but on the next day” references, if my above assumption is correct,
events that occurred on the Fifth and Sixth Day of the week, Av 17 and 18, 55 CE [Thursday and
Friday July 31 and August 1, 55 CE.]
“4.
On the same day it was that the sons and brethren of Izates the king,
together with many others of the eminent men of the populace, got together
there, and besought Caesar to give them his right hand for their security; upon
which, though he was very angry at all that were now remaining, yet did he not
lay aside his old moderation, but received these men. At that time, indeed, he
kept them all in custody, but still bound the king's sons and kinsmen, and led
them with him to
The words “On
the same day” references, if my above assumptions are correct, events
that occurred on the Sixth Day of the week Av 18, 55 CE [Friday August 1, 55 CE.]
“2.
On the next day the Romans drove the robbers out of the lower city,
and set all on fire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were indeed glad to see
the city destroyed. But they missed the plunder, because the seditious had
carried off all their effects, and were retired into the upper city; for they
did not yet at all repent of the mischiefs they had done, but were insolent, as
if they had done well;” Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:7:2.
The words “On
the next day” references, if my above assumptions are correct thus far,
events that occurred on the Seventh Day of the week Av 19, 55 CE [Saturday August 2, 55
CE.]
“1.
NOW when Caesar perceived that the upper city was so steep that it could not
possibly be taken without raising
banks against it, he distributed the several parts of that work
among his army, and this on the
twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab].”
Josephus, The Wars of the Jews, VI:8:1.
The words “the
twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]” references, if my above
assumptions are correct thus far, and this date in its context certainly seems
to confirm that they are, the First Day of the week Av 20, 55 CE [Sunday August 3, 55 CE.]
“4.
And now were the banks finished on the seventh day of the month Gorpieus,
[Elul,] in eighteen days' time, when
the Romans brought their machines against the wall.” Josephus, The Wars of
the Jews, VI:8:4.
Here the words “in
eighteen days' time” are most helpful in establishing the length of the
month Av, i.e. whether 29 or 30 days long: Josephus, The Wars of the Jews,
VI:8:1 establishes Av 20 as the beginning and Elul 7 as the 18th
day. If Av had only 29 days and if I include Av 20 in my count then Elul 8th
becomes the 18th day – no good! If Av had only 29 days and if I exclude
Av 20 in my count then Elul 9th becomes the 18th day –
worse yet! Thus, I am forced to conclude that Av had 30 days and that Av 20 and Elul 7 are both included in this
count.
Accordingly, the words “the
seventh day of the month Gorpieus, [Elul,]” references the Fourth Day
of the week, Elul 7, 55 CE
[Wednesday August 20, 55 CE.]
“1.
AND thus was
Accordingly, the words “on
the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul]” references the Fifth Day
of the week, Elul 8, 55 CE [Thursday
August 21, 55 CE.]
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