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Created 5941[(?)] 10 29 2027 [2011-02-03]

Last edited 5938[(??)] 01 25 2027 [2011-05-29]

 

 

Revising ancient Greek history by 30 years…

 

Pericles’ solar eclipse

at the end of the 1st year of the Peloponnesian War

took place January 18, 402 BCE

at about 9:13 AM local solar time

&

The Lunar Eclipse of the Battle of Pydna

took place on June 1, 139 BCE

between 8 PM and 1 AM

 

 

Abstract:

A close study of the NASA Canon of Eclipses, in conjunction with the use of currently available astronomy software, and in comparison with the primary historical records makes it quite clear that the total solar eclipse of January 18, 402 BCE is the only eclipse that can possibly fit all the facts.

This finding goes hand in hand with a revised date also for the total lunar eclipse of the battle of Pydna, Greece, which available facts are only fully satisfied by the total lunar eclipse of June 1, 139 BCE, which eclipse began shortly after 8 PM at which local time it was seen 13° above the local horizon. While the eclipse progressed, the moon rose to 25° above the horizon before recovering all of its light shortly after 1 AM.

Thus, both of these events agree with one another in moving the conventionally accepted dates for these anchor points of Greek history about 30 years closer to our own time in comparison to that which has been heretofore commonly taught and believed.

 

Praise the Lord of Hosts, the Yahweh Elohim who alone is the One who knows all truth, for teaching and showing me all these wonderful things!

 

 

 

 

Considerations:

Using NASA’s Five Millennium Canon of Eclipses and my Starry Night Backyard software for carefully reviewing all (partial, total, annular, and hybrid) solar eclipses for 100+ years both ways[1] from 432 BCE and the conventionally accepted timing of the Peloponnesian war, I find only one solar eclipse that satisfies 1) Plutarch’s words “the sun was eclipsed and darkness came on,” and 2) the corresponding record of Thucydides (cf. this link!) Unfortunately for those who tend to rely on the conventional consensus of the majority among themselves, this one solution is not anywhere near supporting the conventional belief re the timing of that war. The eclipse I am referencing is the total eclipse that occurred on January 18, 402 BCE, that is, an eclipse that took place about thirty years later than where the Peloponnesian war is being commonly placed.

Now at first sight that date, “January 18,” might seem to be at odds with the records of Plutarch (“ca 46-120 CE”) and Thucydides (“c. 460 BC – c. 395 BC,) that is, words such as “In the very beginning of summer,” but let’s dive into the details and I believe that I may well be able to convince the sharpest among you, my dear readers, that this date, January 18, 402 BCE, exactly fits the record. Please bear with me just a little!

First, comparing Plutarch’s and Thucydides’ records, I find it clear from Plutarch’s The Life of Pericles (authored c. 500 years after the fact!) that the solar eclipse event that he (Plutarch) describes is associated with these three identifying characteristics:

1) Pericles “manned a hundred and fifty ships of war…” against the Peloponnesus,

2) then comes a very specific action: The “laying siege to sacred Epidaurus…,” and

3) “a pestilential destruction fell upon them,” which was more or less concurrent with a certain forty day period of time referenced by Thucydides, who lived and worked at the very time of these events, which events he was indeed even a part of.

 

Finding these very same events being described by very similar language by Thucydides in his History of the Peloponnesian War…:

1) Pericles “he furnished a hundred galleys to go about Peloponnesus and… The Chians and Lesbians joined… with fifty galleys.…” against the Peloponnesus,

2) then the same specific action: “Coming before Epidaurus, a city of Peloponnesus, they wasted much of the country thereabout and assaulting the city had a hope to take it…,” and

3) “They had not been many days in Attica when the plague first began amongst the Athenians,” which plague was more or less concurrent with that certain forty day period of time referenced by Thucydides, who lived and worked at the very time of these events, which events he was indeed even a part of.

It is quite clear to me that Plutarch’s and Thucydides’ stories are complementary to one another in these particulars, such that where Plutarch’s record provides less detail as to the events and their relative timing in terms of for instance “winter” and “summer,” he, Plutarch, is the only an apparently distinct and separate record of a distinct and separate observation of this solar eclipse, which solar eclipse is in itself a unique and exceedingly exact and reliable time stamp, that is, considering all the astronomical facts of the matter inherent in Plutarch’s words “the sun was eclipsed and darkness came on” as well as in Thucydides’ words “in the afternoon happened an eclipse of the sun. The which, after it had appeared in the form of a crescent and withal some stars had been discerned.” Given the above said three unique identifiers, Thucydides’ records help us further with the timing of this event by adding the following sequence of words, which words must certainly be given precedence over and above any ambiguity of Plutarch’s record:

47.… In the very beginning of summer the Peloponnesians and their confederates… invaded Attica…, They had not been many days in Attica when the plague first began amongst the Athenians

49. This year…

55… [2] And Pericles, who was also then general…

56furnished a hundred galleys to go about Peloponnesus… [3] The Chians and Lesbians joined likewise with him with fifty galleys. This fleet of the Athenians… left the Peloponnesians still in Paralia; [4] and coming before Epidaurus, a city of Peloponnesus, they wasted much of the country thereabout and assaulting the city had a hope to take it, though it succeeded not. [5] Leaving Epidaurus

57. All the while the Peloponnesians were in the territory of the Athenians and the Athenians abroad with their fleet, the sickness, both in the army and city, destroyed many, insomuch as it was said that the Peloponnesians, fearing the sickness (which they knew to be in the city both by fugitives and by seeing the Athenians burying their dead), went the sooner away out of the country. [2] And yet they stayed there longer in this invasion than they had done anytime before and wasted even the whole territory, for they continued in Attica almost forty days.

58. The same summer…

66. The Lacedaemonians and their confederates made war the same summer with one hundred galleys against Zacynthus…

67. In the end of the same summer…  

68. About the same time, in the end of summer… These were the acts of the summer.

69. In the beginning of the winter the Athenians sent twenty galleys about Peloponnesus

70. The same winter… These were the things done in this winter. And so ended the second year of this war, written by Thucydides.

71. The next summer…

 

Looking carefully at the details of the above quoted passages of Thucydides, it is obvious that Pericles and his 150 ships and the associated solar eclipse darkness took place within, or before, the forty days following “the very beginning of summer.” Indeed, I do not see much if any evidence of there being a problem with the plague among those who left with Pericles on the ships, and thus they too seem to have left very close to “the very beginning of summer…” and before “not… many days… when the plague first began amongst the Athenians…” Yes, it is true that Thucydides is describing the plague prior to Pericles leaving with the ships, but he is not using express words to the effect that that was the order of events. One might also wish to consider whether or not plagues generally are not a phenomenon of the [real time] mid-winter season? Considering also the accusations against Pericles that began while the city was being attacked, how likely would Pericles be to leave with the ships at such a time, which indeed he had not done at the time of sending the ships off on the prior year’s crusade? Also, it seems quite certain that his second speech was a remedy against said accusations which speech he engineered at the time of his return with the fleet following the raid of this second summer of the war. Where is Paralos? Is it a variant name for Paralia, or not? Lastly, considering carefully the language of the following two passages, I find said order of events confirmed. That is, Pericles and his fleet left prior to the invasion of Attica by the Peloponnesians:

2.55. After the Peloponnesians had wasted the champaign country, they fell upon the territory called Paralos as far as to the mountain Laurius where the Athenians had silver mines, and first wasted that part of it which looketh towards Peloponnesus and then that also which lieth toward Andros and Euboea. [2] And Pericles, who was also then general, was still of the same mind he was of in the former invasion, that the Athenians ought not to go out against them to battle.

2.56. Whilst they [the Peloponnesians/ToL] were yet in the plain and before they [the Peloponnesians/ToL] entered into the maritime country [= “before the P. set out to sea?,” /ToL] he [Pericles/ToL] furnished a hundred galleys to go about Peloponnesus and, as soon as they were ready, put to sea. [2] In these galleys he had four thousand men of arms, and in vessels then purposely first made to carry horses, three hundred horsemen. [3] The Chians and Lesbians joined likewise with him with fifty galleys. This fleet of the Athenians, when it set forth, left the Peloponnesians still in Paralia

Which “Paralia,” which ‘beach,’ is here being referenced? Cf. the maps below and the location of at least nine (9) different places in Greece named ‘Paralia:’ 1) in the ancient map below, 2) near Patra in the left map below, cf. this link!, 3) in northern Greece, see this link!, 4) here, 5) here, 6) here, 7) here, 8) here, and 9) here! Is the language of Thucydides the same as saying that “the Peloponnesians [were] still [laid up on] the beach [for the winter?]” If so, then the January 18 date of the solar eclipse is not much of a problem at all, is it?! That is, given that the Peloponnesians could then have been “invad[ing] Attica…” “in the very beginning of summer…” at a point in time considerably later than when “this fleet of the Athenians…” left.

Perhaps 2.47 is better placed subsequent to 2.56?:

2.47.… In the very beginning of summer the Peloponnesians and their confederates… invaded Attica

 

 

                                                                 Map of ancient Attica

 

 

 

Re the W. T. Lynn’s argument re many events…:

It seems to me that W.T. Lynn is mixing up the 1st and the 2nd raids of Pericles into Peloponnese territory, which raids took place about a year apart. Thus the events referenced by W. T. Lynn fit well into the interim period of time, with the solar eclipse happening at the outset of Pericles’ 2nd raid.

At any rate, the popularly supported annular eclipse of August 3, 431 BCE was way too far from Athens to cause much of any darkness at Athens at all! Here is my Starry Night Backyard recreation of the maximum partial eclipse on that date as seen from Athens:

 

The maximum eclipse as seen from Athens on August 3, 431 BCE.

 

The maximum eclipse as seen from Athens on March 30, 433 BCE.

 

 

 

The solution to the apparent paradox

re a January 18 conjunction vs. Thucydides’ words “In the very beginning of summer…”

Now, here’s the tricky part, that is, to the extent that the above said is not in and of itself sufficiently convincing: How can a solar eclipse that occurred on January 18 be associated with an event within “almost forty days…” following “the very beginning of summer?” That does seem contradictory, does it not? However, consider these facts: The only two seasons referenced by Thucydides are winter and summer. Given that, in terms of our modern calendars, the beginning of summer is the beginning of April (the 2nd quarter of the year; which at the time of the beginnings of both the Greek and the Roman Calendars was concurrent with the spring equinox,) and that the beginning of winter is the beginning of October (the 4th quarter of the year; initially the fall equinox,) we may conclude that, per the calendars then in use, the time referenced by the words “in the very beginning of summer” more than likely are words tied to their then current official calendar year, while not necessarily being words tied to the actual seasons of the year (or to the solstices; cf. the Egyptian calendar where Thoth 1, the 1st day of the Egyptian year, began December 2, 402 BCE.) More than likely then, Plutarch’s words “ the very beginning of summer” reference a point in time no later than the first day of Artemisios, the lunar month which typically begins in April [cf. Strong’s G736 “(something hung up), that is, (specifically) the topsail (rather foresail or jib) of a vessel,”] but very possibly even the first day of Xanthikos [cf. Strong’s G1816 “to start up out of the ground, that is germinate,”] the month usually associated with the spring equinox these days, that is, Xanthikos typically begins in March and these days we associate the spring equinox with March 21, but that was not always so!

Re Xanthikos vs. the beginning of the year: Consider these words:

“Originally the Romans reckoned March as the first month of the year; the decision to begin the year on January 1 did not come until 153 BCE…”

(From Svensk Uppslagsbok (1956,) Vol. 16, ‘Kronologi: Column 1249;’(my translation.) The original Swedish words are: “Romarna urspr. betraktade mars som årets första mån.; först 153 f.Kr. bestämdes årets början till 1 jan..”)

 

 

Re Caesar Julius’ calendar revision, and re the eclipse at the battle of Pydna

However, as we know, Caesar Julius is commonly associated with a very revolutionary calendar correction due to the drifting of the seasons up until that time. I believe this is based most firmly upon Suetonius’ words per The Life of Julius Caesar (Chapter 40,) albeit having been falsely associated with the June 21, 168 BCE solar eclipse, as clearly demonstrated by Bill Thayer’s article. Considering Plutarch’s words re the battle at Pydna:

“16… 4 After this disaster, Perseus hastily broke camp and retired; he had become exceedingly fearful, and his hopes were shattered. 5 But nevertheless he was under the necessity of standing his ground there in front of Pydna and risking a battle, or else of scattering his army about among the cities and so awaiting the issue of the war, which, now that it had once made its way into his country, could not be driven out without much bloodshed and slaughter. 6 In the number of his men, then, he was superior where he was, and they would fight with great ardour in defence of their wives and children, and with their king beholding all their actions and risking life in their behalf. 7 With such arguments his friends encouraged Perseus. So he pitched a camp and arranged his forces for battle, examining the field and distributing his commands, purposing to confront the Romans as soon as they came up. 8 The place afforded a plain for his phalanx, which required firm standing and smooth ground, and there were hills succeeding one another continuously, which gave his skirmishers and light-armed troops opportunity for retreat and flank attack. 9 Moreover, through the middle of it ran the rivers Aeson and Leucus, which were not very deep at that time (for it was the latter end of summer), but were likely, nevertheless, to give the Romans considerable trouble.”

“17… 7 Now, when night had come, and the soldiers, after supper, were betaking themselves to rest and sleep, on a sudden the moon, which was full and high in the heavens, grew dark, lost its light, took on all sorts of colours in succession, and finally disappeared.

8 The Romans, according to their custom, tried to call her light back by the clashing of bronze utensils and by holding up many blazing fire-brands and torches towards the heavens; the Macedonians, however, did nothing of this sort, but amazement and terror possessed their camp, and a rumor quietly spread among many of them that the portent signified an eclipse of a king. 9 Now, Aemilius was not altogether without knowledge and experiences of the irregularities of eclipses, which, at fixed periods, carry the moon in her course into the shadow of the earth and conceal her from sight, until she passes beyond the region of shadow and reflects again the light of the sun; 10 however, since he was very devout and given to sacrifices and divination, as soon as he saw the moon beginning to emerge from the shadow, he sacrificed eleven heifers to her…”

Plutarch, The Life of Aemilius 17.7

 

 

 

The reason verily of both eclipses, the first Romane that published abroad and divulged, was Sulpitius Gallus, who afterwards was Consul, together with M. Marcellus: but at that time being a Colonell, the day before that king Perseus was vanquished by Paulus, he was brought forth by the Generall into open audience before the whole hoast, to fore-tell the eclipse which should happen the next morrow: whereby he delivered the armie from all pensivenesse and fear, which might have troubled them in the time of battaile, and within a while after hee compiled also a booke thereof. But among the Greekes, Thales Milosius was the first that found it out, who in the 48 Olympias, and the fourth yeere thereof, did prognosticate and foreshew the Sunnes eclipse that happened in the raigne of Halyattes, and in the 170 yeere after the foundation of the citie of Rome.

 

C. Plinvs Secvndvs, The Second Booke of the Historie of Natvre, Chap. VII

 

 

 

[37] Paulus postquam metata castra impedimentaque conlocata animaduertit, ex postrema acie triarios primos subducit, deinde principes, stantibus in prima acie hastatis, si quid hostis moueret, postremo hastatos, ab dextro primum cornu singulorum paulatim signorum milites subtrahens. ita pedites equitibus cum leui armatura ante aciem hosti oppositis sine tumultu abducti, nec ante, quam prima frons ualli ac fossa perducta est, ex statione equites reuocati sunt. rex quoque, cum sine detractatione paratus pugnare eo die fuisset, contentus eo, quod per hostem moram fuisse scirent, et ipse in castra copias reduxit.

Castris permunitis C. Sulpicius Gallus, tribunus militum secundae legionis, qui praetor superiore anno fuerat, consulis permissu ad contionem militibus uocatis pronuntiauit, nocte proxima, ne quis id pro portento acciperet, ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse. id quia naturali ordine statis temporibus fiat, et sciri ante et praedici posse. itaque quem ad modum, quia certi solis lunaeque et ortus et occasus sint, nunc pleno orbe, nunc senescentem exiguo cornu fulgere lunam non mirarentur, ita ne obscurari quidem, cum condatur umbra terrae, trahere in prodigium debere. nocte, quam pridie nonas Septembres insecuta est dies, edita hora luna cum defecisset, Romanis militibus Galli sapientia prope diuina uideri; Macedonas ut triste prodigium, occasum regni perniciemque gentis portendens, mouit nec aliter uates. clamor ululatusque in castris Macedonum fuit, donec luna in suam lucem emersit.

(Liv. XLIV.37)

 

Notice that, per the Latin quote above, this lunar eclipse took place on the 4th of September, as reckoned by the Roman calendar of that time, and that the eclipse began in the 1st quarter of the 2nd hour of night. Given that the local solar time of sunset, at Pydna at the evening of this particular eclipse, June 1, 139 BCE, was 7:16 PM[2], I find that the 2nd hour of night began at 8:16 PM and that the first quarter of that hour ended at 8:31 PM, and that this is a perfect fit for the onset of the penumbral shadow, which began at 8:25 PM! 

It is clear from the details of the language that I’ve highlighted in bold red font above that the September 2-3, 172 BCE eclipse, proposed by John N. Stockwell (The Astronomical Journal, 1891, Vol. 11, pp. 5-6,) also is not a viable proposal and cannot describe even a 93.62% partial lunar eclipse (cf. Fred Espenak’s as well as my Starry Night Backyard recreations (below) of that lunar eclipse at its midpoint maximum eclipse.) For instance, the word “disappeared” is not consistent with a 6+% remaining sliver of the moon, and neither are the words “as soon as he saw the moon beginning to emerge from the shadow.”

If we do the math, we’ll find that the drifting of the seasons during those years, reckoning from the beginning of the Roman calendar in the middle of the eighth century to the time of Caesar Julius, was on the order of 0.113 days per year. For the year 139 BCE (the most likely date for the Pydna lunar eclipse being June 1-2, 139 BCE, which per my revised Olympiad calendar corresponds to the 1st year of the 160th Olympiad [or else, but not likely, Sept 2-3, 153 BCE, which corresponds to the 3rd year of the 157th Olympiad! Cf. Plutarch’s The Life of Aemilius 24.4 and Bill Thayer’s discussion of the same (his last two paragraphs of footnote e)]) this corresponds to 753 BCE – 139 BCE = 614 years, or 614 x 0.113 days = 69.4 days. That is, at a point about 90 years (139 BCE – 49 BCE = 90 years) prior to my revised date for Caesar Julius’ calendar reform, which reform, per Suetonius’ record required a 15 months year for correcting the then extant migration of the seasons. Also, Thoth 1 of the Egyptian calendar began on Sept 27, 139 BCE (and on Oct 4, 168 BCE.) Thus it is easy to see how that the shifting of the seasons were affecting all of the calendars on both sides of the Mediterranean up until that time.

 

Above: The lunar eclipses popularly attributed to the battle of Pydna.

Notice the the U.Mag.=0.9362, i.e. 93.62% of the lunar diameter of the left map,

and the map in the right picture showing where the eclipse was visible (cf. the large picture below!)

 

Above: The eclipses of the battle at Pydna proposed by this author, in particular the one to the right.

The June 1, 139 BCE eclipse began shortly after 8 PM[3], at which time the moon was 13° above the local horizon,

moving to 25° above the horizon before the eclipse concluded shortly after 1 AM.

 

 

The remaining sliver of the September 3, 172 BCE partial lunar eclipse as seen from Pydna, Greece at midnight and at the time of maximum eclipse.

 

 

 

 

 

Wrapping up the details of Pericles eclipse

Now, let’s return to the Pericles eclipse and 402 BCE: In any given 40 day period there can be no more than one or two New Moon events. Given also 1) that solar eclipses always occur at the exact time of astronomical New moon, and 2) Plutarch’s words “In the very beginning of summer the Peloponnesians and their confederates… invaded Attica…,” we are faced with the conclusion that either Pericles’ navy left at least a day or two, but possibly even a month or two, prior to the arrival of the Peloponnesian invaders, or else they left, but not likely, less than ten days before the forty days of the invading navy were up, that is, less than 10 days before the Peloponnesians left Attica. Perhaps the latter option might seem to be indicated by Plutarch’s words “left the Peloponnesians still in Paralia…,” but considering all of the above considerations, that certainly does not seem to agree with the language of Plutarch and of Thucydides. Remember too, if the latter option were to be true, then Pericles should have had considerable trouble with the plague among his ship crew, and this should have been a major obstacle to their mission objective, but no such thing is being mentioned. Thus we are left with the option of Pericles and his navy leaving for their mission at least a day or two, and possibly a month or two, prior to the invasion of the Peloponnesians.

Next, if indeed the words “In the very beginning of summer…” do follow the day when “the sun was eclipsed and darkness came on…” then we may also conclude that the official calendar month Xanthikos began with the visible New Moon on January 18, 402 BCE. For the year 402 BCE this corresponds to 753 BCE – 402 BCE = 351 years, or 351 x 0.113 days = 39.7 days shifting of the seasons. Adding said 39.7 days, that is, the 40 days drift of the seasons, to January 18 we arrive at February 28 (beginning Feb 27,) that is, we arrive at the beginning of the month, March, within which the spring equinox is expected in a seasonally corrected calendar. This makes perfect sense, at least to me!

There remains one apparent major obstacle to resolve: What about Thucydides’ words “in the afternoon happened an eclipse of the sun,” that is, seeing that the solar eclipse of January 18, 402 BCE totally darkened the skies of Athens at 9:13± AM (08:18 UT + 1.5 hrs = 9:48 AM local solar time) and not “in the afternoon” as suggested by the above quoted translation. Well, as it turns out (cf. this word study of mine!) the Greek words used by Thucydides “μετ μεσημβρίαν” may also be translated “amidst the hot portion of the day.” That is, during that time of the day when the sun was significantly hot, or say from 9 AM through 3 PM. Consider also the meaning inherent in those words taken on by a soldier dressed in a heavy, and solar heat absorbing, metal uniform covering!

Thus, the astronomical hard facts of this event must necessarily take precedence over words that, as in this case, may be translated one way or the other.

 

 

 

 

Conclusion:

Neither one of the eclipses of Aug 3, 431 BCE and March 30, 433 BCE can be sustained by the historical records of Plutarch and Thucydides when carefully considered against the above referenced astronomical data. The correct date for the Pericles solar eclipse can only be January 18, 402 BCE, which date, to the best of my understanding of all the available facts is in total agreement with all extant data as also considered in view of my revised chronology.

This placement of Pericles’ solar eclipse is further sustained by my revised placement of the battle at Pydna, Greece, which placement is likewise moved forwards in time almost exactly the same number of years, that is about 30 years. Interestingly I find that S. J. Johnson’s arguments (against the 168 BCE lunar eclipse) are equally as true as are W.T. Lynn’s arguments (against the 172 BCE lunar eclipse) relative to each other’s favored lunar eclipses. That is, neither one of those eclipses are sustainable in view of all the facts provided (cf. their respective letters from 1884 CE at this link!)

This result would not have been possible without the direct guidance by and through the ultimate author of the Holy Scriptures. Praise the Lord of Hosts!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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[1] On my list of eclipses being anywhere near possible I had the following solar eclipses, yet in the end all of them but one could be easily excluded:

1)       -487 Sep 1: Hybrid – Partial at Athens,

2)       -477 Feb 17: Annular – Wide corona of sun light,

3)       -463 Apr 30: Partial at Athens,

4)       -438 Dec 27: Eclipse occurred below the Athens’ horizon,

5)       -435 May 31: Eclipse occurred below the Athens’ horizon,

6)       -432 Mar 30: Wide partial eclipse from the Athens’ horizon, cf. picture!

7)       -430 Aug 3: Wide partial eclipse from the Athens’ horizon, cf. picture!

8)       -404 Mar 20: Annular eclipse occurred below the Athens’ horizon,

9)       -401 Jan 18: This is the one perfect fit!

10)   -399 Jun 21: Eclipse occurred below the Athens’ horizon,

11)   -379 Nov 5: Hybrid,

12)   -360 May 12 Annular,

13)   -349 Oct 6 Annular,

14)   -323 May 23 Annular.

[2] Cf. footnote #3!

[3] Starry Night Backyard Pydna horizon June 1, 139 BCE local solar time sunset: 19:16:19; penumbral eclipse 20:25-01:38; umbral eclipse 21:21-00:41; total eclipse 22:14-23:50. It follows that the penumbral shadow began in the 1st quarter of the 2nd hour of night, the umbral shadow began in the 1st quarter of the 3rd hour of night, and the total eclipse began in the 4th quarter of the 3rd hour of night.

Thus, if I understand the Latin correctly, “ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse,” the beginning referenced pertains to the penumbral shadow.zon sunset understaning upon nothing but the 'ed of being revised in accord with all the lessons