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Created 5928± 11 01 2024 [2008-01-11]
Last edited on 5929± 01 01 2025 [2008-10-23]
Sabbatical years – When?
A Sabbatical Year Identified by Josephus and
Now Also Available In Terms of Modern Calendars
Abstract:
Praise
the Lord! A firm foundation for an exact dating of current Sabbatic years has
been identified. That is, provided only that the Jews living in 44 BCE reckoned
Sabbatic years correctly and that Josephus
and Phlegon
are correctly dating two events occurring within two certain Olympic years.
The
Holy Scriptures define
the beginning of the year as the Eighth Day. That is the 22nd day of
the seventh Moon, aka. Tishri 22. Josephus, by default and in most of his
historical records, is using Tishri 22 as the beginning of the year.
The 4th
year of the 202nd Olympiad is firmly defined based upon Origen’s quote
of Phlegon, which quote places a total solar eclipse (identifiable
as the solar eclipse of November 24, 29 CE) in the Olympic year beginning July
1, 29 CE. Olympic years are reckoned from July 1 through June 30. [The Olympic years
for that era are commonly
misplaced due to a misapplication of Phlegon’s solar eclipse to another
total solar eclipse which occurred March 19, 33 CE, but which could only be
observed from Antarctica. How likely is it
that Phlegon would make a record of an autumn event of Antarctica
without also taking notice of the place of observation?]
Josephus
is dating an important historical event within a certain Sabbatic year by these
words:
“on the hundred eighty and
fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast…” (Josephus,
Antiquities of the Jews XIV:16:2.)
Simple
calculations based upon the above two references of Josephus to the Olympic
calendar make it clear that said Sabbatic year was kept by the Jews generally
in the year beginning Tishri 22, 44 BCE:
November
24, 29 CE is found within the Olympic year being completed on June 30, 30 CE,
thus:
(202
x 4) – (184 x 4) = 808 – 736 = 72 (years from one quoted Olympic year to the
next.)
30 CE
– 72 years = 30 – 72 = -42 = 43 BCE.
Thus
the 1st of the four years of the 185th Olympiad began
July 1, 43 BCE.
The
Biblical year ends in the fall, thus an event occurring in the beginning of an
Olympic year, when reckoned in terms of a Biblical year, must then also be
datable in terms of a Biblical year beginning in the [Gregorian or Julian] year
prior to the [Gregorian or Julian] year within which said Olympic year begins.
Thus it may be clearly seen that said “solemnity of the fast” [Tishri 10; the
Day of At-One-Meant] occurred in the Sabbatic year beginning Tishri 22, 44 BCE
and ending Tishri 21, 43 BCE.
It
follows that Sabbatic years within our own era began or begin in the Gregorian
years 1980, 1987, 1994, 2001, 2008, and 2015.
What
great blessings of God might be in store for us when we know and apply this
knowledge each in our own life? What sad consequences, what curses, might be
avoided by not knowing or by not applying this insight re Sabbatic years?
Considerations:
While in the process of identifying (Please click
the links to get a clearer view!) the dates provided by Josephus for the events
during the reign of Herod the Great touching upon Luke 2:20 and the statement
of the Jews “Forty and six years was this temple in building…” I came across two statements (quoted below) identifying
as a Sabbatical year two separate points in time, one shortly before and the
other shortly after the point in time when Herod conquered Jerusalem.
Herod dates the latter event by these words: “on the hundred eighty and
fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast.” Obviously
this is a very exact date and once we learn what defines the beginning and the
end of that year we can know exactly when the Sabbatical year was
celebrated in those days. Much may be learned and confirmed from these two passages out of Josephus’ Antiquities of the Jews:
“XIV:16:2. Now the Jews that
were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great
alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together… Now the three
bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work
upon it; for it was summer time,
and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works… they were
distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first
that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's
centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty
days, and the second in fifteen more… 3. And now Herod having
overcome his enemies… 4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem
when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome on the
hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the
fast…
“XV:1:2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the
royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when,
by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he
gave it all to Antony,
and his friends that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal
men of Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing
might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the
dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it
was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon
them; and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the
prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the
country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in
that year.”
[Additional Sabbatic years
are referenced in Antiquities of the Jews 3:12:3, 12:9:5, 13:8:1,
14:10:6, 15:1:2, 15:9:1 and “in Whiston's footnotes to Josephus, Whiston says
(but what authority is he standing on?) this famine was worse than the famine
of the days of Ahab, and even worse than the days of Jacob, and that this was a
Sabbatical or Jubilee year.” ]
Many are confused re what constitutes a biblical year and a
sabbatical year. Some hold that it is counted from the beginning of Aviv
through Adar. Others hold that it is to be reckoned from the first day of
Tishri, the seventh moon of the year through the subsequent sixth moon.
However, a
thorough bible study will demonstrate that neither of these are correct and
that the biblical year is defined from the Eight Day, i.e. Tishri 22, through the
end of the Feast of Ingathering, i.e. Tishri 21. Interestingly, a thorough
study of Josephus makes it clear that Josephus is following the biblical
principles of dating exactly and consistently.
Thus it will be noted within the above quotes from Josephus
that the first reference to a “Sabbatic year” points to the “summer time” and
to a point in time that is a minimum of 40+15=55 days prior to Tishri 10 (the
day known as “the solemnity of the fast”) while the second references a point
subsequent to Tishri 10. Josephus is using the words “the Sabbatic year, which
was still going on…” Obviously those quoted words of Josephus makes little or
no sense if Tishri 1 were to define the beginning of the year. Although those
who are proponents for counting the Sabbatical year from Aviv through Adar may
see no problem with the above, a closer scrutiny of Josephus writings shows
that Josephus is reckoning a year as Aviv through Adar (I call such a year a
“sacred year”) only when referencing time of civil war, i.e. the war defined in
Josephus,
Antiquties, XX:11:1 and in Josephus,
The Wars of the Jews, II:14:4; the year beginning in Nero’s
12th year and covering also the destruction of Jerusalem and the
time until Vespasian was finally crowned as the Emperor of Rome.
Another specific example clearly demonstrating to the
astute student that Josephus defines the beginning of the year not as Tishri 1,
but as Tishri 22 may be recognized from Josephus’ reckoning of the beginnings
of the reign of Herod the Great: If Josephus had been using Tishri 1 (and not
Tishri 22) for the beginning of the year, then Herod's capture of Jerusalem
would have to have occurred on Tishri 10, 44 CE, [i.e. within the year
beginning Tishri 1, 44 CE] and not as Josephus says, i.e. "on the hundred
eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the
fast," [i.e. within the Julian year 43 CE!]
In consequence of the above one may conclude, based
also upon Origen and NASA’s lists of solar eclipses, that Tishri 22, 44 BCE
through Tishri 21, 43 BCE was reckoned by Josephus as a Sabbatic year (cf. also
this simple four
step calculation of Augustus’ death in 10 CE [not 14 CE,] based on modern
astronomy plus three ancient manuscripts.) From that conclusion one may then
derive that Tishri 22, in the 2025th and 2032nd years
after the beginning defined in Luke 1:26-33 [and Tishri 22 in the Gregorian
years 1980, 1987, 1994, 2001, 2008, and 2015] also define the beginnings of
Sabbatical years. Interestingly the infamous events on “September 11, 2001” may
well have coincided with the biblical Tishri 22…
A more extensive excerpt of Josephus’ writings re the above
event is quoted below. I have highlighted all the references to time using bold
and/or black, blue, or red font in order to facilitate reading the text with a
focus upon timing and Sabbatical years:
Excerpts
from Josephus touching on Sabbatical years:
Antiquities of the Jews - Book XIV
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF
THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO
THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS.
CHAPTER
1.
…
CHAPTER
14.
HOW HEROD GOT AWAY FROM THE KING OF ARABIA AND MADE HASTE
TO GO INTO EGYPT AND THENCE WENT AWAY IN HASTE ALSO TO ROME; AND HOW, BY
PROMISING A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY HE OBTAINED OF THE SENATE AND OF
CAESAR TO BE MADE KING OF THE JEWS.
1. AS for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him,
but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to
Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to
receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of
it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as
his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for
not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of
the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents for the price
of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child
of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage for
the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him,
by whom he was desired to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge
upon him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of,
that he might not be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was
further induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might
cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which
he had committed to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to
be troublesome to them by his coning thither, but that he desired only to
discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest
importance.
2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road
to Egypt;
and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great
many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there
it was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus soon
repented of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no manner
of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste into the
road to Pelusium; and when the stationary
ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he
went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of
and great regard to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was
retained there by Cleopatra; yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay
there, because he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed
that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.
3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes,
with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his
friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found that city very
much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself,
he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to
its former state. He also built
there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for
Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was come from thence to
Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and
how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by
them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they had made
Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand
talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and
of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and that,
by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies;
as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and
that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers of
it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and only
succor at this time.
4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in
Herod's condition; (26)
and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are
placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that
come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and
this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater because
Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly given it him to
make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for
he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was
also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance in
what he desired, on account of the toils of war which he had himself undergone
with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him
withal, and the kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony,
who was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Messala first,
and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits
they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had
borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him
an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had
now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians. Upon this
the senate was irritated; and Antony
informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that
Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a
decree accordingly.
5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod,
that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he did
not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not
suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal
family, but intended to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by
his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he
procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and
departed out of Italy in so few days as
seven in all. This young man
[the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its
proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate
house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other magistrates
before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their decrees in the
capitol. Antony
also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive
the kingdom, having obtained it on
the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad,
when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius
Pollio [the first time].
6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in
Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water
(27)
insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving to run
away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had
heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard
to Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented
his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he
was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of
good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which
they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a
sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly,
with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time
Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the
Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in pretense indeed to
succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in
order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to
Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he retired
himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness he had been
guilty of might be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his
soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might
cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come
again and defend him.
CHAPTER
15.
HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OF ITALY TO JUDEA, AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS AND
WHAT OTHER THINGS HAPPENED IN JUDEA ABOUT THAT
TIME.
1. BY this time Herod had sailed out of Italy
to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers
and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee
against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being
persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony
to assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in
composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the
Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea
indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased
every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but as he
was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those
that were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his
relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take
that place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold
might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem.
And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was
thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men,
and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to
defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those
of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some
joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some
because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for
the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came
to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly
settled in the kingdom.
2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid
snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but in truth
he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. So Herod received those of his
family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery
also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens,
being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west
side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their
arrows and threw their darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and
came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave orders
that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he
came for the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not
to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the
offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by way of
reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and
before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom
to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28)
whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom
was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved
to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from the Parthians, yet
were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these
such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it
would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said thus one to
another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted
his own men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using their bows,
and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from
the towers.
3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for he
set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the want of provisions
they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit
to let them go into places proper for winter
quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that
Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army upon removing,
and endeavored to march away; but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and
exhorted Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and
Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them
plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance
of what they required; after which entreaty, he immediately went out into the
country, and left not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he
brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his
who inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle,
and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply
for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent
presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those
that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and
got together a great number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and
watched those that brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the
mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans,
and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few
horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that
five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with
their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon
the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good
things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho,
and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter
quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and
Galilee, and Samaria.
And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of
the army should be quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons
aside, and lived in plenty of all things.
4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother
Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred
horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other
relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into
Galilee, to take certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus;
and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's garrisons withdrew
themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also went thence, and
resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much
mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of
armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela;
and on the fortieth day after, he
came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him,
the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those
to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. He
also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though
they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee,
excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of
his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to
their captains, and sent them into winter
quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because
Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for
no more than one month;
nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the
provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might
have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod
committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and
ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the
soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which
had been before desolate.
5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at
Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and
commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war,
and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves
engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in
the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them.
These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle
were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those
caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie
concealed, with all their families about them; but the king caused certain
chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about
with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible
to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep
down to them from above. Now these chests were filled with armed men, who had
long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them,
and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the
chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast depth
they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests
themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the
mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still out of fear, some of
the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the
chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves,
because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come
out of the caves; and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed
many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled
those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the
precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then
went into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror
seized the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they
despaired of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the
whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered
themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault
was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets to
fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set
their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within
them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with
seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave to go out, and
yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always
slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and
after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and
himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery: but before he
did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although
he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand,
and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these
caves were at length subdued entirely.
6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as
his general, he went to Samaria,
with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to
fight Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed well with
Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee
before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among
the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste and plundering whatsoever
they could come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them
for what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them,
who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them, and
demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to their
rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.
7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians
were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod, with
two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But
Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as
being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but
Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city,
but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed
what he himself meant. But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him
good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening to that
advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them,
whether they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he was in at what
hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and
went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these
affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did
him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to
beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that he would not go to
Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with
them, and let them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras,
upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army,
but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.
8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony
(who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates)
with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when
he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten together that
were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear,
because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he
encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road. Now when they were
within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to
disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow,
as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who
were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now
as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those
that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden,
and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard, with
the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which
means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go
on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and the
barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing them, and
recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for
burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and whereas there were a
great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the
passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong
body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby
rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their
savior and protector.
9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all
their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and
because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the
barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him
there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed
upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his
courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after
a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, as having himself
lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus delivered up the
fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the
rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt.
Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea
to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army.
10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: He
forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and
when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent him
five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in :order to reap the
corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and
were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he
was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was
himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for
there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the
dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother would have
redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the Galileans
revolted from their commanders, and took those of Herod's party, and drowned
them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras
fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].
11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what had
been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill
fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected, from certain
visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his
brother's death. So he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus,
he received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with
him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched
thence by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee.
Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut
up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So
he attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm that was
then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army into the
neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Antony sent him was
come to his assistance, those that were in garrison in the place were afraid,
and deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march hastily to Jericho,
intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and
when he had pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders;
and after this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired
to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had for the king,
for the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed
none, insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God,
since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.
12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops
of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the
soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king's guards that
were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a
dart. Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some
forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he had men
to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when
he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two
thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to
go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and there ran
in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the
enemy fell upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle
with them, but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them
for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as
they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men, (29)
and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his
power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of
soldiers that were caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down
upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor was
there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the
walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another. This action
it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what
would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places
far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not
been for the depth of winter, which then restrained them, the king's army had
presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success, and
the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking
about how he might fly away and leave the city.
13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to
supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the bath,
for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest danger,
which yet, by God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but
one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner
room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out
of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came
out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him a
second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation,
that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come off very
well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting out of the house.
However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already
slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had
suffered by his means, for he was the man that slew him with his own hand.
14. When the rigor of winter
was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the
city. Now this was the third year since
he had been made king at Rome; and as he removed his camp, and
came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he
pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same
manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and
erected towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down
the trees that were round about the city; and when he had appointed proper
persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay before the city, he
himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to
wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed
her already, as I have before related.
CHAPTER
16.
HOW HEROD, WHEN HE HAD MARRIED
MARIAMNE TOOK JERUSALEM
WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF SOSIUS BY FORCE; AND HOW THE GOVERNMENT OF HE ASAMONEANS
WAS PUT AN END TO
1. AFTER the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia,
having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was
their commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen. The
king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army,
besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand; and
they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north wall
of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six
thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two:
Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and
Herod on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who
was declared all enemy at Rome,
and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the Senate.
2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought
against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered
together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many things
agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they
were in; they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might
not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and by
private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod
understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their
private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions,
and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions.
Now the three bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were
continually at work upon it; for it was summer
time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their
works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their engines
to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get
its; yet did not those within discover any fear, but they also contrived not a
few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt
not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and
when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of
the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They also erected new works
when the former were ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other,
and fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of prudent
valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and this they did while a
mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and
the want of necessaries, for this happened to be
a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty
chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in
fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the
temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in
order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And when the outer court of the
temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the
temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder
them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and
desired that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices,
which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they
did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve
the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by
storm; and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the rage of the
Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were
on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive;
so they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by
crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no
pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the
weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the
people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a
company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and
then Antigonus, without regard to either his past or present circumstances, came
down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of
him, in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called
him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as if he
were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept
him in close custody.
3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern
those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed
to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the king, thinking
a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things
which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used entreaties and
threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them. He also
prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius
whether the Romans would empty the city both of money and men, and leave him
king of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole habitable
earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his
citizens'; and when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the
soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every
one their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed what
remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised
him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present
to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all
went away full of money.
4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus
Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome (30)
on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad,
on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a
periodical revolution of calamities had returned since that which befell the
Jews under Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had
dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried
Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus
should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome
by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might
demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man,
that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account
of the family they were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what
he had done. Out of Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a
great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which
if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the
government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after it was
first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account
of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as
also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; but
these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it
came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family,
and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this
is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.
Antiquities of the Jews - Book XV
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF
EIGHTEEN YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE
FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE
BY HEROD.
CHAPTER
1.
CONCERNING POLLIO AND SAMEAS.
HEROD SLAYS THE PRINCIPAL OF ANTIGONUS'S FRIENDS, AND SPOILS THE CITY OF ITS
WEALTH. ANTONY
BEHEADS ANTIGONUS.
1. HOW Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem
by force; and besides that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been
related by us in the foregoing book. We will now proceed in the narration. And
since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted
such of the private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left
off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party
of his enemies. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored
by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem
was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they
were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his
trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the
other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward
inflict punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God
fulfilled the words he had spoken.
2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem
under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the
wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped
together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends
that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of
Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might
be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead,
and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was
carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon
them; and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the
prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the
country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in
that year. Now when Antony had
received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his
triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of
their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he
resolved to behead him at Antioch,
for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of
Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be
beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who
beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews
so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead; for by no torments
could they he forced to call him king, so great a fondness they had for their
former king; so he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the
value they had for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the
hatred they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo.
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